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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 41 to 50 of 51 (0.03 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"[een] LEGITIMIZATION"" "subject:"[enn] LEGITIMIZATION""
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International Criminal Justice and State Sovereignty: An African PerspectiveBa, Oumar 25 April 2011 (has links)
No description available.
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La création d’un État de facto au Kurdistan irakien : un gain qui diviseGrondin, Maxime 08 1900 (has links)
En 1991, suite à la fin de la deuxième guerre du Golfe, un État de facto a été établi au Kurdistan irakien. Cette mutation d’un acteur contestataire kurde en un État de facto s’est avérée un gain sans précédent pour le « mouvement nationaliste kurde ». Néanmoins, malgré son importance historique, ce gain d’autonomie ne permit pas pour autant de dépasser les divisions présentes au sein du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Ce mémoire tente ainsi de comprendre les raisons du maintien de ces divisions. L’hypothèse proposée est que la raison pour laquelle la création d’un État de facto kurde en Irak n’a pas permis de dépasser les divisions du mouvement nationaliste est que ce dernier a poursuivi un projet de construction étatique similaire aux États de facto. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, la recherche fait le lien entre la littérature sur les États de facto, le comportement du Kurdistan irakien et les divisions du mouvement nationaliste kurde. La recherche démontre dans un premier temps que la poursuite d’un projet de construction étatique a amené le Kurdistan irakien à prioriser sa légitimation interne plutôt que l’unité du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Elle démontre dans un deuxième temps qu’afin de réaliser ce projet, le Kurdistan irakien a employé des stratégies externes qui ont nui au reste du mouvement nationaliste kurde. / In 1991, following the end of the Second Gulf War, a de facto state has been established in Iraqi Kurdistan. This transformation of a protest actor into a de facto state has been an unprecedented gain for the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». However, despite his historic importance, this gain has failed to overtake divisions within the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis attempts to identity the reasons why the divisions have not faded away. The assumption is that the reason why these divisions have not been overtaken is because Iraqi Kurdistan has pursued a state-building project similar to those of de facto states. To test this hypothesis, this research links de facto state’s literature, Iraqi Kurdistan behaviour and the divisions of the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis first demonstrate that this project has led Iraqi Kurdistan to establish other priorities that the « Kurdish nationalist movement » unity. It then shows that to realize this state-building project, Iraqi Kurdistan has used external strategies that have affected the rest of the movement.
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La communication organisationnelle et le rapport aux textes : comparaison des discours de deux Bureaux de l’intégration des immigrants à Genève et à MontréalDermange, Alizée 12 1900 (has links)
No description available.
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[en] OBJECTS OF DESIGN, HANDICRAFTS, AND WORKS OF ART: SIMILARITIES AND DISTINCTIONS OF THE CREATIVE PRACTICES / [pt] OBJETOS DE DESIGN, PEÇAS ARTESANAIS E OBRAS DE ARTE: SIMILARIDADES E DISTINÇÕES DAS PRÁTICAS CRIATIVASMAYRA TERRA MALUF DE ARAUJO 22 August 2019 (has links)
[pt] Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo realizar um estudo acerca das fronteiras entre o Campo do Design, o Campo da Arte e o Campo do Artesanato. Compreendemos que ambos se encontram por serem percebidos hegemonicamente como profissões resultantes de uma prática criativa, e desse modo analisaremos quais as semelhanças e distinções entre os produtos ou mercadorias que circulam entre n ó s e como são legitimados para o consumo. Com base no que se entende hoje por criatividade, conduziremos uma argumentação pautada na figura do artista e na construção histórica da crença do gênio criativo e autônomo. Em uma sociedade cuja a estrutura fundamental de consumo é capitalista, desejamos localizar a inserção do artista, do designer e do artesão neste cenário comercial. Analisaremos também o que é tido como cultura erudita e cultura popular, em razão de que essas noções estão intimamente conectadas com as práticas profissionais em questão. Do mesmo modo, examinaremos o valor de uso e o valor de troca simbólica do s objetos, entre o público consumidor e nos espaços destinados a venda e a exposição das obras de arte, das peças de artesanato e dos objetos de design. Esta pesquisa se desenvolve em um contexto brasileiro e apresentaremos uma investigação empírica realizada com artesãos, artistas e designers nos estados de Pernambuco, Paraíba e Alagoa. Enfim, desejamos verificar como se constituem as diferenciações simbólicas destes objetos tidos como especiais em relação aos demais, e como podemos estabelecer classificações que possam distinguir cada campo específico e os profissionais que neles atuam. / [en] This project analyzes the boundaries between the Field of Design, the Field of Art, and the Field of Handicrafts. We understand that each is hegemonically perceived as a profession resulting from a creative practice and we will analyze the similarities and differences between the products or goods circulating among us and how they are legitimized for consumption. Based on what is known today about creativity, we will lead an argument based on the role of the artist and the historical construction of the creative and autonomous genius. In a society whose fundamental structure of consumption is capitalist, we aim to locate the insertion of the artist, designer, and artisan in this commercial setting. We will also analyze what is considered erudite culture and popular culture as these concepts are closely connected to the professional practices in question. Similarly, we will examine the value of use and the value of symbolic exchange of objects within the consumer public a nd the spaces intended for selling and exhibiting the works of art, handicrafts, and design objects. The research focuses on the Brazilian context as we will present an empirical investigation conducted with artisans, artists, and designers in the states of Pernambuco, Paraíba and Alagoa. Finally, we aim to verify how the symbolic differentiation of these objects is considered special compared to others and how we can establish classifications that can distinguish each field and the professionals who work w ithin them.
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Présence et influence assyriennes dans le royaume de Hamat / Assyrian Presence and Influence in the Kingdom of HamatBaaklini, Adonice-Ackad 09 January 2019 (has links)
L’Empire néo-assyrien (934-610 av. J.-C.) a conquis la majeure partie du Proche-Orient en quelques siècles. S’il modifie la carte géopolitique de la région, l’impact concret qu’il exerce sur les territoires avec lesquels il entre en contact est difficile à cerner. La tendance générale était jusqu’à il y a peu de considérer que les Assyriens contrôlaient étroitement toute leur périphérie par une présence importante de militaires et de fonctionnaires, tout en initiant un processus d’« assyrianisation ». Ce travail doctoral propose d’évaluer l’importance et la nature de la présence assyrienne dans le royaume de Hamat (nord-ouest de la Syrie) et de déterminer s’il existe un lien entre présence et influence assyriennes. Les résultats d’une analyse des sources historiques et archéologiques montrent que la présence assyrienne à Hamat était bien plus subtile que ce que l’on aurait pu croire. D’une part, l’élite provinciale assyrienne insistait sur sa légitimation auprès des autochtones et sa coopération avec l’élite locale plutôt que sur l’utilisation de la force pour maintenir le joug de l’Empire. D’autre part, loin d’indiquer une colonisation assyrienne ou un changement de culture, l’influence de la culture assyrienne à Hamat se traduirait plutôt par l’adoption par l’élite locale de nouveaux objets de prestige qui contribuaient à la consommation ostentatoire et à l’émulation compétitive / The major part of the Near East was conquered by the Neo-Assyrian Empire (934-610BC) in a few centuries. If the geopolitical map of the region was altered, the concrete impact it exerted on the territories with which it came into contact is difficult to appraise. Until recently there was a general tendency to consider that the Assyrians tightly controlled their whole periphery by maintaining a high number of soldiers and personnel, while initiating a process of “Assyrianization.” This doctoral thesis tries to assess the importance and nature of the Assyrian presence in the kingdom of Hamat (in northwest Syria) and to determine whether there is a link between the presence and influence of the Assyrians. The results of an analysis of historical and archaeological sources show that the Assyrian presence in Hamat was much more subtle than what might have been envisaged. On the one hand the Assyrian provincial elite insisted on being legitimized with the natives and cooperating with the local elite rather than using force to maintain the yoke of the Empire. On the other hand, far from indicating an Assyrian colonization or a change of culture, the influence of Assyrian culture in Hamat would rather translate into the local elite adopting new objects of prestige that contributed to conspicuous consumption and competitive emulation.
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Stratégies de légitimation des États de facto : l’industrie touristique en « République moldave de Pridnestrovie »Cloutier, Félix-Antoine 08 1900 (has links)
Ce mémoire étudie l’industrie touristique comme stratégie de légitimation interne et externe dans les États de facto. En nous basant plus particulièrement sur le cas de la Transnistrie, nous avons employé une analyse mixte se basant sur des données et politiques officielles ainsi que sur des observations photographiques obtenues directement sur le terrain. L’industrie touristique est une stratégie « deux en un » servant à la fois la construction des identités et s’adressant à un public interne et externe. Nos résultats font ressortir l’utilité de cette stratégie à des fins de légitimation tout en établissant l’existence de liens étroits entre le secteur touristique public et privé. Alors que le secteur public est concentré principalement vers la justification de l’existence de l’entité de facto et de son identité distincte, le secteur privé agit comme un agent de liaison avec le monde extérieur et selon les attraits commerciaux et économiques. Malgré l’existence d’une certaine opposition entre les secteurs de l’industrie touristique, nous soutenons qu’ils sont complémentaires et servent l’État transnistrien dans sa quête de légitimation interne et externe. / This paper is interested in the study of tourism and its industry as a strategy for internal and external legitimization in de facto states. Using the particular case of Transnistria, we used a mixed analysis based on official data and policies as well as photographic observations obtained directly on the field. Tourism industry provides a "two-in-one" strategy, serving both identity and state formation and is aimed at both internal and external audiences. Our results highlight the usefulness of this strategy for legitimization purposes while establishing the existence of close links between the public and private tourism sectors. While the public sector is mainly focused on justifying the existence of the de facto state and its distinct identity, the private sector acts as a liaison with the outside world, and according to financial and economical gain. Despite the existence of some opposition between both sectors of the tourism industry, we argue that they are complementary and that they serve the Transnistrian state in its quest for internal and external legitimization.
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"Zdomácnění" vědecko-technické revoluce v Československu: inovace v české kuchyni a výživě 50. a 60. let 20. století / "Domesticating" the Scientific-Technological Revolution in Czechoslovakia: Inovation in the Czech Kitchen and Alimentation in the 1950s and 1960sTomsová, Julie January 2014 (has links)
The aim of the thesis is the analysis of "domestication" of the scientific-technical revolution and the most important alimentary behavior of Czech society in the 1950' and 1960' of the 20th century. In the thesis is this process interpreted in the context of the change of the regime and of the ideological patterns in the mid- 1950', which should help to overcome the difficulties of the Stalinist utopianism - increased emphasis on quality of lifestyle, housing development, architecture and design, modernization of kitchen equipment and the transformation of ideas about desirable social standards and their importance to legitimize post-Stalinist organization. More specifically, in the context of "domestication" of the scientific-technical revolution, I deal with topics such as the rationalization and mechanization of houseworks, emphasis on hygiene and nutrition, quality of food storage and preparation, the transformation of food composition, the "discovery" of vitamins and enzymes, minerals and etc., haunches on consumerism, developing doctrines of household management, image of woman and her place in the household and other topics. The present work examines not only the structural changes that have occurred, but their ideological aspects - especially the place where the promise of a better life...
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Théorie générale du charisme et de la crise de succession en régime charismatique / Generaly theory of charisma and the succession crisis in charismatic regimeMeite, Youssouf 26 November 2012 (has links)
L’objet de cette thèse porte sur le charisme et la crise de succession en régime charismatique. À l’aide d’éléments théoriques puisés chez Max Weber et ses successeurs, on tente de faire un bilan, une synthèse des recherches passées et celles en cours, et de proposer notre propre compréhension du pouvoir charismatique et la question de son utilité. En effet, bien que le concept de charisme soit largement utilisé et discuté par les théoriciens du pouvoir et du leadership, il demeure encore une énigme majeure des sciences sociales, politiques et juridiques. Ainsi, persuadé de sa pertinence comme principe de légitimation du pouvoir politique, on tente d’explorer plus en avant certains de ses aspects négligés ou insuffisamment élaborés, afin de proposer une vue d’ensemble sur la question. L’illustration de ses grandes figures historiques les plus marquantes comme Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeiny, de Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, Nkrumah nous permet d’entrevoir ses vertus et ses vices, mettant également en avant les crises de succession en régime charismatique avec leurs différentes solutions. / The purpose of this thesis deals with the charisma and the succession crisis in charismatic regime. With the help of theoretical elements drawn from Max Weber and his successors, we try to make an assessment, a summary of previous researches and those in progress, and propose our own understanding of charismatic power and the question of its usefulness. Indeed, although the concept of charisma is widely used and discussed by the theorists of power and leadership, it remains a major conundrum of social science, political and legal. So convinced of its relevance as a principle of legitimation of political power, we attempt to further explore some aspects neglected or insufficiently developed to provide an overview of the issue. The illustration of these great historical figures, the most significant, like Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeini, De Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, and Nkrumah gives a glimpse of its virtues and its vices, thus highlighting the crises of succession in charismatic regime with their different solutions.
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[en] THE THEORY OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTION HABERMAS AS THE FOUNDATION OF NORMATIVE VALIDITY OF COLLECTIVE LABOR NEGOTIATIONS / [pt] A TEORIA DA AÇÃO COMUNICATIVA DE HABERMAS COMO FUNDAMENTO DE VALIDADE NORMATIVA DAS NEGOCIAÇÕES COLETIVAS DE TRABALHOJOÃO DE AMARAL FILHO 03 November 2016 (has links)
[pt] Com a modernidade em crise, a crítica aos ideais iluministas e até da
noção tradicional da razão em cheque, passou-se a buscar uma melhor
compreensão da realidade, como alternativa para suprir um crescente
descontentamento social em função do distanciamento entre as decisões
administrativas, incluindo as judiciais, e os efetivos anseios dos cidadãos. Dentre
as propostas que aliam o novo ideal democrático ao contexto do mundo da vida, o
filósofo alemão Jürgen Habermas propõe uma mudança de paradigma da Razão
através de uma lógica dialógica, transferindo a noção da Razão Prática para um
espectro procedimental, usando como ferramenta indispensável o agir
comunicativo, o discurso e o consenso entre as partes interessadas; além disso,
promove uma reconstrução do direito e do Estado, com a superação dos modelos
teóricos existentes – liberal e republicano – e com a formatação de um Estado
efetivamente democrático, posto que viabiliza a participação dos concernidos na
criação dos direitos. Em outras palavras, Habermas aposta no sucesso processo de
interação comunicativa, que se efetiva por meio de um acordo discutido, debatido
e refletido em função dos motivos apresentados pelos interessados. Diante dessa
linha habermasiana que envolve a atuação efetiva dos cidadãos e das instituições
da sociedade civil, além do próprio Estado, no processo de formulação normativa
e decisória surge, para alguns, a ideia da inaplicabilidade dessa teoria por
entenderem que, em função da realidade brasileira, principalmente em relação ao
déficit educacional da população, essa ideia ficaria prejudicada. O Direito
Coletivo do Trabalho, como ramificação de nosso sistema jurídico, promove a
derrocada dessa premissa de inaplicabilidade da proposta de Habermas que adota
o agir comunicativo como instrumento para alcance do entendimento, do
consenso dos interessados, promovendo, assim, uma harmônica relação entre a
validade e faticidade da norma. Importante ainda ressaltar a convivência dos
interesses individuais e dos coletivos, não havendo prevalência da simples
vontade da maioria, mas sim da vontade melhor justificada dentro do processo
dialógico, ocorrendo a preservação das garantias e direitos individuais
fundamentais. / [en] With modernity in crisis, criticizes the Enlightenment ideals and even the
traditional notion of reason in check, began to seek a better understanding of
reality, as an alternative to supply a growing social discontent due to the distance
between the adminstrative decisions, including judicial, and actual desires of
citizens. Among the proposals that combine the new democratic ideal context of
the living world, the German philosopher Jurgen Habermas proposes a paradigm
shift of Reason through a dialogical logic, transferring the notion of Practical
Reason for a procedural spectrum, using as the indispensable tool communicative
action, discourse and consensus among stakeholders; Moreover, it promotes a
reconstruction of law and state, with the overcoming of the existing theoretical
models - liberal and republican - and the formatting of a democratic state
effectively, since it enables the participation of concerned in the creation of rights.
In other words, Habermas betting on the success of the process, which is effective
communicative interaction through an agreement discussed, debated and reflected
on the basis of the reasons given by those concerned. Given this Habermasian line
that involves the effective participation of citizens and civil society institutions,
and the state itself, the formulation of rules and decision-making process arises,
for some, the idea of this theory inapplicable because they understand that,
according to the Brazilian reality mainly in relation to the educational deficit of
the population, this idea would be impaired. The Collective Labour Law, as a
branch of our legal system, promotes the overthrow of this premise inapplicability
of proposed which adopts Habermas communicative action as an instrument to
reach understanding, consensus of stakeholders, thus promoting a harmonious
relationship between the validity and facticity of the norm. Important to highlight
the coexistence of individual and collective interests, with no prevalence of simple
will of the majority, but the best justified within the dialogical process will occur
and guarantees the preservation of fundamental individual rights.
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Swedish Belief and Swedish Tradition : The Role of Religion in Sweden Democrat NationalismStenbäck, Tomas January 2020 (has links)
In the context of Western, European, Nordic, and Swedish radical nationalism, this study is an analysis of the various ways the political party the Sweden Democrats talks about religion; primarily about Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran Christianity and the Church of Sweden. The study investigates the party expressions on religion and nationalism, using theoretical models of interpretation, constructed for this specific purpose, out of hermeneutic methodology. The purpose has been to analyse the different functions of the various ways the Sweden Democrats talk about religion, and to investigate how the references to religion legitimize the ideology of nationalism, with the aim to answer the following questions: How do the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion function as an identity marker? In what way is it possible to distinguish an aspiration for cultural purity in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? Is it possible to distinguish neo-racism in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? In which ways can the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion be regarded as political strategy? The results demonstrate in which ways the Sweden Democrats apply religion to promote the party perceptions of nationalism, as well as to legitimize the party conceptions of the Swedish nation and the Swedish people: Swedish Christianity and the Church of Sweden are used to identify Swedish culture and to identify contrasting foreign culture. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the good Swedish people and the bad other people. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the right Swedish values and the wrong values of the other. Swedish Christian values are used as dividing criteria between the culturally pure Swedish people and the culturally impure other people. The degeneration of the Church of Sweden mirrors the degeneration of the Swedish society. Swedish Christian homogeneity will guarantee security for the Swedish people and the Swedish nation within the Swedish nation-state. Elements of religion and culture sort different peoples into different categories in the hierarchical view of humanity. Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the Swedish people as innocent to the current precarious situation of the Swedish nation, and Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the people of the other, which is to blame for this situation. The Swedish people is superior, to the non-Swedish people, because of superior Swedish religion and superior Swedish culture. Swedish Christianity is used to promote anti-democratic political positions. Swedish Christianity is used to legitimize coercion and force in the enforcement of Swedishness.
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