資訊時代下全球化造成了流動空間的出現，亦促進了網絡社會的崛起；其影響不僅擴及政治、社會、經濟層面，更形成了全球犯罪經濟的現象。臺灣境內詐欺犯罪從過去當面直接接觸，轉為透過電信或網路間接接觸的詐騙形式；在政府的全面查緝及兩岸共同打擊犯罪之下，近年來電信詐欺集團呈現向外擴散跨越國境乃至全球的趨勢。此類全球犯罪網絡的相關實證研究至今仍極為缺乏，因此，本研究旨在討論前述犯罪機會、空間分工及社會網絡如何形成跨境電信詐欺犯罪網絡，及其背後的特殊運作機制。 　　經由文獻探討法、現有資料統計分析法及深度訪談18名受訪者（受刑人11名、偵查人員4名、駐外聯絡官3名），本研究發現犯罪機會同時影響空間分工及社會網絡，這三個重要指標亦型塑了跨境電信詐欺的犯罪網絡。詐欺集團利用各類犯罪機會（犯罪者、標的物、監控缺乏及手法工具的聚合，其中監控包含國家、網路與金融管制層面），結合空間移動、分工與第三地機制，社會網絡強弱連帶與第三方機制，形成特殊運作機制，促使詐欺網絡成為無遠弗屆的全球犯罪體系；核心組成員與第三方既是連結也是斷點的關係，更是其中的運作關鍵。透過此種犯罪網絡分析，可深入瞭解全球跨境犯罪的運作概略，進而形成應對防治作法及刑事政策建議。 / In the Information Age, globalization has brought about the emergence of space of flows and the rise of network society. Its influence not only extends to the political, social, and economic levels, but also forms the global criminal economy. In Taiwan, fraud has occurred from direct contact format (such as face-to-face) to indirect ones (such as via telephones and the Internet). Owing to the government's comprehensive investigation and the cross-strait joint criminal judicial co-operation, the telecoms fraud groups recently have traveled across borders and even to the whole world. As the relevant research based on empirical data is scant, this research aims to discuss how criminal opportunities, spatial division of labor, and social networks construct a cross-border telecommunications fraud criminal network and the special operational mechanism behind it. In this research, I reviewed the relevant literature, analyzed empirical data, and then conducted in-depth interviews with 18 respondents which include 11 prisoners, 4 criminal investigators and 3 police liaison officers. It is concluded that criminal opportunities would influence the spatial division of labor and social networks within criminal groups; these three important indicators formulate the criminal network of cross-border telecommunications fraud. A special operational mechanism combining various criminal opportunities (the convergence of offenders, targets, absence of guardians, and means; in which guardians include the level of national, cyber and financial regulations), spatial mobility and division of labor with the third-place mechanism, and strong and weak ties of social networks with the third-person mechanism, transforms fraud networks into a far-reaching global criminal system. The relationship between core group members and the third-person is not only a link but also a breakpoint, and it is undoubtedly the operational key. Ultimately, this research paints a clear picture of the global criminal networks and thus will possibly benefit the development of future criminal prevention and correction policies.

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資源基礎理論指出，策略要建立在自有的資源基礎上，並發展出對應資源 的能力，以取得持久的競爭優勢。中小企業受限於資源不足，只能專精於 整個價值活動中的一個小片斷，要連結其他成員，組織成綿密的企業網路 ，結合大家的資源，共同創造競爭優勢。在企業網路的架構下，專業分工 ，資源需求不高，成員各有專精，效率、效果、規模經濟、學習曲線等優 勢皆可獲得。在企業網路組織中，既合作又競爭，對無法配合的網路成員 ，以市場機制加以淘汰，保持全網路的競爭力。中小企業的小，機動性強 ，遇到問題，彈性應對，可使組織運作順暢。中小企業的管理政策，生產 、行銷、人事、研發、財務，不能自外於網路的需求，這些政策的訂定與 實施，都要能配合網路中的其他成員。以全網路為思考單位，創造全網路 的優勢。同時，也要考量到持全網路的競爭力。

近年來，大陸政經環境的逐漸改善，以及我政府兩岸政策的漸漸開放，使得「大陸投資」與「根留台灣」成為產業的熱門話題。 所以，是否大陸的環境適合所有產業的發展， 哪些產業適合外移？倘若廠商決定赴大陸投資，又該如何外移？這些問題都值得廠商再三思考。 因此，本研究之主旨， 希望藉由對電子業三個子產業的探討，以回答下列問題：1.電子業的競爭優勢有哪些， 相對大陸的優勢如何？個別產業之間是否有所不同？其深層的原因為何？ 2.競爭優勢如何影響產業的兩岸分工策略？個別產業間有何差異？3.電子業在兩岸分工過程中， 與政府政策的關係如何？個別產業間有何差異？本研究係採取探索性個案研究， 由現象中發現問題，經由理論與文獻的探討，建立適當的思考架構。 經由架構的建立，進一步由產業專家的深入訪談，發掘與問題相關的變數。 然後，將變數與問題經由理論的推演，探討出變數與變數之間，變數與問題之間的因果關係。 在深入分析文獻之後，發展出本研究的命題並加以說明。研究結論如下：1.不同的產業在不同的價值活動上， 有不同的相對優弱勢。 2.不同的產業，各價值活動對競爭優勢的貢獻不同，亦即，不同的產業有不同的關鍵活動。 3.不同的產業，應採取不同的兩岸分工策略，其策略目標在於發揮已掌握的關鍵優勢，或是補強未掌握的關鍵優勢。4.不同的產業，對政府政策的需求不同。 政府政策的目標，在於維持產業的關鍵優勢，或是扭轉產業的關鍵劣勢。 5.政府的兩岸政策與產業的競爭態勢，應是相互影響､相互改變的動態關係。

在現代女性普遍投入勞力市場的趨勢下，傳統的「男主外、女主內」現象依然存在，意即男女之間的家務分工行為仍然存在很大的差異。而本研究企圖以性別角色社會化、時間可利用性和相對資源論的觀察來分析兩性之間的家務分工行為之差異，並且討論台灣和日本社會的差異。 本研究使用ISSP在2002年蒐集的資料，針對家務時數和家務時數性別差距分別進行多元迴歸分析。在家務時數的影響機制方面，結果顯示：教育程度所代表的性別角色社會化在兩國有不同的面貌，其對台灣已婚女性在家務分工行為上有啟蒙的效果，但日本已婚女性則不然。另外，在性別角色平權態度上，其會增加已婚男性家務時數，而會減少已婚女性家務時數。至於時間可利用性則普遍適用於台灣和日本社會。此外，在相對資源方面，台灣已婚男性和日本已婚男女在家庭經濟收入貢獻程度和家務時數之間存在線性關係。台灣已婚女性則為曲線關係，也就是有性別展示的現象。 在家務時數性別差距的影響機制上，結果顯示：教育程度所代表的性別角色社會化在兩國同樣也有不同的面貌，如大學教育會縮短台灣已婚女性的家務時數性別差距，但卻會擴大日本已婚女性的家務時數性別差距。在性別角色平權態度上，其會減少已婚男女的家務時數性別差距。這表示已婚男性會增加家務時數，所以縮短性別差距，對已婚女性的意義則為減少家務時數，因此也縮短性別差距。而時間可利用性普遍亦適用於台灣和日本社會。另外，在相對資源方面，已婚男性在家庭經濟收入貢獻程度和家務時數性別差距之間都存在線性關係，已婚女性則皆為曲線關係。意即已婚男性皆為經濟理性，已婚女性皆為性別展示。

高齡化社會的來臨，增加了台灣的長期照顧需求。在華人家庭傳統上，照顧一直是女性的責任，社會規範與對性別角色的期待也都將照顧工作賦予女性。但隨著婦女勞參率的增加，許多有經濟能力的女性也開始試圖透過將照顧工作「外包」的方式，來移轉自己的照顧責任。從台灣逐年攀升的外籍看護工人數，即可看出此一趨勢發展。在過往母職外包的文獻中，母親將照顧小孩的責任外包出去的同時，會透過各種手段來維持其原有家庭的完整性，以及合理化這些作為，並重新詮釋這些原本被認為該由自己承擔的責任。而這樣的情況，是否同樣會發生在「孝道外包」的情況中？子女／媳婦會怎麼樣去詮釋自己的行為？他們如何定義照顧工作外包後「孝」的意義？ 本研究發現，家庭成員選擇外包照顧工作的過程中，受到子女輩成員間的經濟能力、角色與長輩的情感關係等各種因素所影響，主要的決策者與執行者會由不同的家庭子女輩成員擔任。對於將奉養工作外包給外籍看護的子女／媳婦來說，他們透過將自己的角色轉換成「監督者」或「主導者」，以確保外籍看護維持高品質照顧的方式，來重新定義自己的孝道實踐。「父母在家終老」以及「主導照顧過程」成為孝的核心條件。此外，透過敘述外籍看護的「專業」與「像對待家人」般的良好照顧，來證明他們將長輩的孝道外包是對長輩「有利的」。同時這個利益並不只是對於長輩，聘請外籍看護還有許多對其他家庭成員有利的外溢效果；例如整理家務，煮飯等等。對子女輩成員來說，聘請外籍看護是一個多方考量後，在現今照顧工作逐漸走向市場化下，對整體家庭最具利益的選擇。 / The need for long-term care increases with Taiwan’s aging population. According to the Chinese tradition as well as current social norms and expectations, care work is considered women’s responsibility. However, with women’s increasing participation in the labor force, many financially-abled women started to outsource care work to relieve their responsibility. The rise in the rate of hiring foreign caregivers in Taiwan manifests this trend. Current literature on outsourcing maternal care work has pointed out the ways mothers maintain family intactness and justify their behavior of outsourcing maternal care. Does the same situation happen in outsourcing filial piety? How do sons, daughters and daughter-in-laws justify such behavior? How would they reinterpret the meaning of ‘filial piety’ after sourcing parental care? The study found that the choice of outsourcing parental care work was affected by factors such as children's financial conditions, roles in the family, and relationship with parents. Sons, daughters and daughters-in-law often played different roles of decision makers and managers in outsourcing parental care. For those who outsourced parental care work to foreign caregivers, their roles were changed from 'primary caregiver' to 'supervisor' or 'manager' to ensure that their parents would obtain high quality care. In this way, the meaning and practice of filial piety were redefined. 'Parents living at home till the end of life' and 'quality control of parental care' became the core considerations of filial piety. By emphasizing foreign caregivers' professionalism and their family-like relationship with foreign caregivers, those children who outsourced parent care work justified their choice of outsourcing and claimed that such arrangement was beneficial to parents who were cared for. In addition, the care work provided by foreign caregivers often generated 'spillover effects' for the whole household; not only parents but other family members could also obtain benefits from hiring foreign caregivers. For example, foreign caregivers helped cleaning house, cooking and so on. Consequently, the choice of outsourcing parental care work to foreign caregiver was considered most appropriate for the whole family.

本文以「歷史制度主義」為途徑，去分析毛澤東時期「二線分工」的運作與變遷。並就「歷史制度主義」的三個主要觀點，包括「路徑依賴」、「關鍵點」以及「漸續平衡」為架構，去鋪陳本文的論證。 首先，在「路徑依賴」上，本文認為因「民主集中制」的矛盾，使得中共政治在運作上，衍生出另一套非正式制度以修補之。而「二線分工」就是這套非正式制度，其目的是為了防制「民主集中制」的三項缺失，包括權力集中、非正式政治的影響以及政治繼承的危機。是故，只要中共堅持「民主集中制」，則「二線分工」就會成為一項路徑依賴，以修補「民主集中制」的缺失。毛時期「二線分工」的起點是在一九五六年九月的八大，該會決議重組中央書記處，以作為和中央政治局分工的機構。因此，開啟了毛時期「二線分工」的運作。 其次，在「關鍵點」的改變上，以一九五九年四月，毛辭去國家主席，退居政務二線為重要的關鍵。促成該關鍵點的成因上，可以「內因」和「外因」分別說明之。「內因」是起於反右運動、大躍進運動以來，逐步繁瑣的內政事務，使得毛決心辭去國家主席，以減輕工作負擔。「外因」則起於中蘇關係的惡化，使得毛有意識的了解培養革命繼承人的重要性，遂將劉少奇扶植至政務一線，以培養其接班能力。 最後，在「漸續平衡」上，在歷經一九五九年四月的「關鍵點」後，中共的「二線分工」運作由原來的「優勢政治」型演變為「權力平衡」型。在「關鍵點」之前，毛集黨務、政務一線於一身，可以直接參與黨務與政務決策的制定，因此呈現出以毛為主的「優勢政治」運作。但在「關鍵點」之後，毛雖仍居黨務一線，但因退居政務二線，所以大幅減少對於重要會議的直接參與，部分決策權轉移至劉少奇、鄧小平手中，故乃呈現出一、二線互為抗衡的「權力平衡」型。 本文在最後的結論，將討論毛時期立下的「二線分工」運作，對於後毛時期的延續性。此外，將提出中共政治的「二線分工」模式，以做為本論文的研究發現與研究成果。 / In the political regime of CCP, democratic centralism is the formal system of an organized form. “Two-front arrangement” is informal system, which is used to renovate three defects of democratic centralism, including the effects of informal system, power centralization, and the crisis of political successor. This article is used three concepts of ”historical institutionalism”, which are path dependence, critical juncture, and punctured equilibrium, to explain the transition of “two-front arrangement” in CCP. First, in the path dependence, “two-front arrangement” is a method used by CCP to repair the deficiency of democratic centralism. Second, the path of “two-front arrangement” was gone through two critical junctures of transition, one is the CCP twelve party congress in 1982, and two is the CCP sixteenth party congress in 2002. At last, the results of these critical junctures produced new punctured equilibrium . The work of “two-front arrangement” changed to patron-client type after the CCP twelve party congress and evolved to functional type after the CCP sixteenth party congress. The change of “two-front arrangement” is gradually evolving to some kinds of institutionalization. From the random type in Mao’s era, the patron-client type in Deng’s era, to the functional type in Jiang’s era, we can find that the “two-front arrangement” has remarkable function to repair three defects of democratic centralism as time went by. So we can take it as the formation of institutionalization. We analyze the “two-front arrangement” during Mao Zedong’s era. “First-front” leaders are those who participated in the policy-making process directly while leaders on the “second-front” are referred to those who only indirectly involved in the process. The article argues that the best way to identify leaders in their affiliation in the “two-fronts” division of work is to have a detailed breakdown on personnel in the highest decision-making bodies, the Politburo and the Central Secretariat. We divide Chinese leadership during Mao’s era into four categories according to official document and reputation and status of the leaders. The article further delineates the operation of the “two-front arrangement” according to the division of work between the party and the state, charisma of the leaders and formal institutions. At the end, we try to assess the impact of the “two-fronts” model on Chinese politics.

部分工時工作在先進國家實施許久，且各國部分工時人口多佔一定比例並具有明顯的性別特性，即部分工時勞動型態女性化之現象，特別是女性勞工為了調和工作與家庭生活而選擇了部分工時工作。現階段我國尚未就部分時間工作制定專法，因此部分工時者相關法律仍需回歸現有傳統全時工作者之勞動法令。惟就法令面而言，國內部分工時者與全時工作者勞動條件全然相同，卻仍然產生邊緣化發展趨勢，即便雇主及勞工有縮短工時需求，但運用部分時間工作的比例仍然偏低，顯示現行規定不但無法充分落實保障部分工時工作者勞動權益，與促進利用目標也是背道而馳。對雇主來說缺乏進用誘因，對大多數未就業的婦女而言也無意願藉由部分工時工作來調和工作與家庭之間的衝突。爰上，本研究主要目的係探討我國部分時間工作勞工法制建構可行性，從中發現現行法規在適用部分工時勞動型態產生的窒礙難行之處，立法時兼顧部分工時之勞動條件及促進利用之可能。 本研究藉由相關文獻回顧與整理，瞭解部分時工作現況、定義、適用及所遭遇之問題；再透過與勞工團體、資方團體、政府機關、學者專家及勞工個案代表進行深度訪談，蒐集勞資政學各方代表對於部分工時法制建構之意見，以尋求發現我國部分工時法制建構之方向。經文獻及訪談結果發現，在面臨婚育或家庭照顧而選擇退出職場，再度返回職場二度就業之婦女並從事部分時間工作者，其最大特性是多數仍有家庭照顧責任，僅是責任減輕、非家庭中主要負擔家計者，基於補貼家用考量，而選擇部分時間工作，認為部分工時具有工時短及工時彈性，可以兼顧家庭照顧，對部分工時工作的滿意度高，故部分工時勞工保護之立法仍應兼顧促進利用規劃，以吸引潛在婦女勞動力投入職場。 本研究經由文獻探討及訪談結果歸納以下建議： 一、制定部分工時勞動專法，明文規範部分工時勞動權益。 二、避免部分工時全職(時)化發展，創造友善的部分工時工作機會。 三、明文規範部分工時均等待遇原則。 四、以部分時間工作提供全時工作以外之就業選項，避免已婚婦女因婚育而離開職場。 五、部分工時勞工之教育訓練，應同時兼顧技能再生安全。 / Part-time employment in advanced countries has been implemented for a long time, It has provided female could chose part-time work to reconcile work and family life therefore, it got very high female population accounts for a certain percentage in the part time work. It caused the trendies to feminize of the phenomenon with significant gender characteristics. However, Taiwan has not yet institutionalized in Part-Time Worker Protection Law, thus the legal status of part-time workers still needs to be governed by the traditional full-time workers' labour laws. Although the part-time worker and full-time work be treated with the same law and the same working condition in Taiwan but why employees and employers using this kinds of working pattern still low percentage in the whole labour population accounts and the part-time workers and forward to marginalized development. It shows that the existing regulation not only could not fully implement the protection of part of the labor rights of workers. consequently, the goal of the promote to use the part-time worker is also run counter to the partial hours workers of the labor rights and also short of incentives for employers to use the part-time worker. For most unemployed potential women, there is no intention to reconcile work and family conflicts by working hours. This study is reviewed and collected by relevant literature to understand the current situation, definition, application and problems encountered in the part-time work. According to depth interviews with labour groups, employers' groups, government agencies, academics and labour case representatives to collect the opinions of the representatives of the parties and seeking to find the direction of the construction of Part-Time Worker Protection Law of our legal system. From the literature and interviews found out, women abandon the job when they get marriage or give birth to their own breed and to devote for the family. Those women get employed once again to choose to be a part time worker the most of reasons is that women have family care responsibilities although they are not main economic supporter consequently they reduce the part of the cost of living and subsidize home when they chose part time work. Most of them admit the part-time work has working hour’s elasticity and short hours and flexibility. Because of those reasons, they are satisfied this type of work pattern of the part-time work. Part-Time Worker Protection Law of the labour protection legislation should still take into account the promotion of the use of planning and to attract potential women's labour force into the labour market. Based on the findings, this summarizes the following suggestions : 1) To establish the Part-Time Worker Protection Law in Taiwan, specific regulations the part-time worker rights and definition clarity. 2) It should create a friendly part-time employment environment and prevent part-time work become full-time work. 3) To establish of equal treatment between full-time and part-time. 4) Create another choice of employment for marriaged women, to avoid the most women quit their job as they got marriage and bore their breeds. 5) The part-time labors' education and training should also improve their skills reproduction security.

在全球化發展與區域整合的大趨勢下，多國籍企業在世界上的地位是越來越重要，掌握兩岸加入WTO後的大陸外資政策變化、瞭解中國大陸市場開放趨勢、進行臺灣與美日多國籍企業進攻大陸市場策略聯盟評估、以及實證多國籍企業在大陸投資行為所衍生的機會與挑戰等，爰為本文之目的。 　　本研究從多國籍企業在中國大陸投資的歷史進程與發展、中國大陸吸引外商直接投資的政策演進、多國籍企業在中國大陸的投資行為分析與比較及其對中國大陸投資區位選擇之影響因素，通過這些分析得到一些啟示，對於影響未來多國籍企業與臺商中國大陸投資區位選擇之策略運用，及中國大陸在兩岸加入WTO後對利用外商直接投資的政策將有更大的借鑑與因應。 　　以中國大陸近年積極吸引外商直接投資，不斷改善投資環境，轉變政府職能，充分發揮廣大的勞動力資源與市場的比較優勢，並將利用外資與其國內經濟結構調整、國有企業改組和改造西部大開發結合起來，進一步積極吸引外資加大對中西部地區的投入。由於中西部地區幅員遼闊、人口眾多，中西部地區經濟發展水平直接影響和決定了中國大陸經濟發展。中西部地區不具備東部沿海地區優勢，要吸引外商直接投資，需要有一些優惠政策，並加快基礎設施建設，改善投資軟硬體環境，大力發展科技教育，廣泛宣傳中西部地區的資源優勢和勞動力低成本優勢，從而降低外商對中西部地區投資的成本以吸引外商直接投資。 　　臺灣優先，全球佈局，中國已成為世界最大製造中心，我政府應積極從區位優勢上，致力於促進研發以提昇產業競爭力，並鼓勵與歐、美、日策略聯盟，運用臺灣過去累積的優勢，即時掌握臺灣利基，創造永續發展策略與產業出路。 　　從區位優勢到全球運籌與佈局，臺灣未來走向應由傳統製造中心轉型，重新定位成為多國籍企業創新研發設計中心及企業營運總部基地。政府有關單位當前如能加速整合臺灣的優勢，臺商未來應該有很大的發展空間，因此臺商更應積極掌握與歐美日多國籍企業策略聯盟之契機，確保臺商在大陸投資發展之競爭優勢。 　　以本文研究顯示，絕大多數臺商到大陸投資之後仍保持與臺灣母公司或其他上下游廠商或企業有緊密之業務聯繫，兩岸產業分工之格局逐漸形成，兩岸產業結合程度也越來越深，顯示臺商投資的企業在大陸經營當地化的趨勢與歐美日等多國籍企業一樣越來越明顯。基於兩岸經濟地位比較利益，唯恐臺灣未來的優勢不再，臺商在大陸所構建的兩岸產業分工策略，實為臺商全球佈局非常重要的一環。臺商在與美日多國籍企業策略聯盟進攻大陸市場時，我國政府在大陸投資政策上亦應有全盤架構，以配合臺商在策略聯盟國際市場競爭之需要。 關鍵詞：中國大陸，多國籍企業，投資行為，兩岸產業分工，策略聯盟，對外直接投資，投資區位選擇，研究與發展 / Under the trend of globalization development, the position of Multi-National Enterprise’s is becoming more and more important. The purpose of this study is to conduct a Comparative Analysis of Multi-National Enterprise’s Behaviors of Investment in Mainland China. The main assumptions of this study is that the Multi-National Enterprises are pursuing the maximization of enterprise's profit. According to the influence factors of the locational choice of foreign direct investment, we explore multi-national enterprises’ behavior of investment, location distribution and future direction of development. 　　As regards to the result of this empirical research, the signs of the coefficients of the east, west and the central of the all regional characteristic independent variables are compatible to prior expectation. It shows that the research results of the east and west region have more significant statistical level than that of the central region. Also, both of the east and west region have better cluster effects than that of the central region. 　　Since Mainland China has become the largest manufacturing center of the world, the Taiwan government should take the comparative advantage of Taiwan’s geographical location and promote R&D, and global logistics for attracting the multi-national enterprises to establish their head quarters in Taiwan. From the research results of this study, it shows that Taiwanese enterprises in mainland China should put more emphasis on their strategies alliances with those multi-national enterprises and forces on the global thinking for cutting their competitive edges. Keywords: Multi-National Enterprise, MNE, Behaviors of Investment, Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, strategies alliances, Mainland China, R&D

文化創意產業乃近年來政府所大力推動的重點產業，儘管文化究係一種「服務」或「產業」，爭議頗多，然而睽諸世界先進國家，如英國設有事權統一之文化媒體體育部(The Department of Culture, Media and Sport)職司全英文化政策之擬訂，並以發行彩券部份收入，鼓勵新穎多元之創作；再如丹麥政府早就發現企業界和文化界的語言渾然不同，發現國家需要教育課程來訓練學生如何經營文化事業，這包括建立對整個產業的知識，能夠斡旋協調、解決衝突，並擁有處理預算、智慧財產權、合約及版稅的能力，於是當務之急，是希望商學院可以把注意力多放在文化界的發展潛力上，增加相關主題、課程和所謂「第三級教育」的訓練；澳洲則就文化產業核心，從精英藝術與社區藝術之論述，進一步發展到休閒與娛樂；其文化態度，亦跳脫文化公民權之爭論，邁入文化消費期。凡此種種，皆從發展文化創意「產業」之角度，作為施政方針。 　　反觀台灣文化創意產業之經營環境日益艱困，至今未有事權統一之「文化部」，文化創意政府分工上，教育部獨置身事外以及至今未能建立諸如好萊塢的「完工保證」制度以吸引投資者等，因此本研究所欲探討之主題計有四項： 1.文化創意產特質為何？與過去台灣所擅長的製造業的價值鏈、商業模式等，有何不同？ 2.政府政策之制訂與產業界之需求，其緊密度為何？是否尚有政策調整之空間與方向？ 3.文化創意產業之經營者係一「守門人」之角色，此守門人之角色如何整合「線上成本」與「線下成本」中之各個成員角色，在「彈性專業化」的合作關係中，形成一種商業模式？ 4.文化創意人普遍缺乏避險觀念，因此如何「以銷定產」，透過「創業財務」理論，經由「高概念」與「國際分工」募集資金，迴避風險，是為本研究所要深入探討的主題。 / The idea of developing cultural and creative industries has been putting forward by the government in recent years even though the arguments of culture being as a service or an industry remains disputable. However, policymakers in more advanced countries have moved beyond the debate and recognized the importance of the industries at different level: The United Kingdom sets up the Department of Culture, Media and Sport as the solo division in charge of policy formulation. Part of the income from National Lottery is devoted to encourage creation; Being aware of the differences between business professionals and creative talents, Denmark educates students with the know-how of cultural industry management, including the skills of negotiation and conflict solving and the abilities to deal with budget, copyright, contract and royalties. It also urges business schools to enhance entrepreneurial potential by adding more topics, classes and so-called “tertiary education” to their curriculums. Australia, on the other hand, has extended the core value of culture and creative industries from elite and community arts to recreation and entertainment. It has moved from the phrase of debating cultural citizenship into cultural consumption. With reference to the experience of other countries, we can conclude that culture and creativity sectors should be considered as “industries” rather than “services” for policy measures. On contrary, the business environment has become difficult for the cultural and creative sectors in Taiwan. There’s no one single government entity to take account of cul-tural factors and attach greater importance to promoting the development of cultural indus-tries in the course of policy formulation and implementation; Ministry of Education has not partake in studying the vision for development and direction for the industries; Lacking of completion guarantees leaves investors with big doubts and consequently hider the estab-lishment of finance resources. To solve the above-mentioned issues, this research will fo-cus on: 1.The characteristics of cultural/creative industries. How are they different from the value chains and business models of manufacturing that has dominated Taiwan's industrial sector? 2.The gaps between current policies and the real needs of the industries. What can be done to favor the development of the sectors? Any adjustment to make or ap-proach to establish? 3.The role of decision makers in cultural/creative industries as “gatekeepers.” How do they control the above and below the line costs and utilizing the concept of flexible specialization to manage their businesses? 4.The sales and marketing of creative products. Traditionally, creative talents have little knowledge on risk control. How to develop new products or services in the context of existing provision in the market? How to avoid risk and raise money by bringing in the notion of “high concept” and “co-production” in filmmaking?