Another time. Definitions of time in French encyclopedias, 1690-1835 The point of departure for this study is the common conception that the idea of time became "modern" in the late 18th century, meaning among other things a new, future-oriented and empowered individual. Such a view has been expressed by scholars like Lynn Hunt, Lucian Hölscher, François Hartog, Dan Edelstein as well as Reinhart Koselleck. This thesis investigates whether such a transformation is visible in eight French encyclopedias, published between 1690 and 1835. Definitions of time-related key-words are studied from a perspective of conceptual history and discourse analysis. The result of the study indicates a change in the notion of time. However, this change does not concur with the presumed breakthrough of "modernity". The dominant change is rather words that disappear during the period. The study argues that the dichotomy of time versus eternity was questioned, which changed the expectations. Definitions eventually turned away from a predetermined future, however they did not include an individual freedom to act. A new temporal consciousness is visible with the update of history, as pointed out by Koselleck. Mythology was mocked when definitions underlined rationality. The texts substituted religion with science. Diversity between individual definitions is visible mostly during the middle of the 18th century. Finally, the study discusses a possible time lag for encyclopedias used as witnesses of a discourse. / Autres temps. Les définitions du temps des encyclopédies françaises, 1690-1835 La notion de temps au sens moderne semble avoir pris forme vers la fin du 18e siècle. Cette conception du temps comme « moderne » implique entre autres choses que l'homme est conscient de la dimension temporelle, et de sa liberté de créer son propre avenir. Depuis les années 1960, plusieurs penseurs, dont François Hartog, Lynn Hunt, Lucian Hölscher, Dan Edelstein et Reinhart Koselleck, ont abordé ce décalage de la dite notion. Dans cette thèse sont examinés les changements de la notion du temps à travers les définitions de huit encyclopédies publiées entre 1690 et 1835. Au 18e siècle, les dictionnaires et les encyclopédies jouaient un rôle important quant au savoir et à la maitrise de la langue. Les analyses des définitions sont conduites à la lumière des théories conceptuelles et discursives. Les résultats de l'étude, dont le matériau s'étend sur 150 ans, confirment un changement de la notion de temps mais non pas celui dont a parlé la recherche antérieure. Les définitions témoignent d'un certain nombre d'effacements et de substitutions de différentes parties des textes. Les textes semblent avoir été plus homogènes au début et à la fin du 18e siècle et plus hétérogènes au milieu du même siècle. Les références religieuses s'y sont souvent substituées à des textes provenant des sciences naturelles, comme par exemple la mécanique. Successivement, les explications mythologiques étaient qualifiées de purs « mythes ». La dichotomie temps—éternité est remise en question et commence à disparaître. Selon d'autres chercheurs dans ce domaine, cela signifie une des conditions d'un futur non prédéterminé. Cependant, même au début du 19e siècle, les définitions parlent d'un futur contingent et non d'un homme maître de son propre futur. Pendant cette période (1690-1835), il y a aussi eu lieu un changement dans la façon de concevoir la notion d' «histoire », un phénomène qui a été souligné par Koselleck. Ce changement semble avoir entrainé une nouvelle conceptualisation de la temporalité. Dans la thèse sont discutées les encyclopédies comme étant des sources scientifiques et la possibilité d'un « time lag » dû aux définitions comparées au discours où celles-ci sont produites. Les résultats montrent l'introduction apparemment tardive d'un nouveau discours. / <p>Masterprogram i historiska studier, inriktning idéhistoria</p>

<p>Genom att analysera domstolsmaterialet från rättegången mot fildelningssiten The Pirat Bay, i relation till en idéhistorisk diskussion om äganderätt, har uppsatsen funnit att den liberala tanketraditionen och dess juridiska institutioner står inför en betydelseglidning vad gället begreppsparet ”Egendom” och ”Stöld”. Det har visat sig att Lockes naturtillstånd, varseblivningen av ”det oändliga” på jorden, har skiftat plats; från ”naturen” ut till ”cyberspace”, vilket har resulterat i att fildelningstekniken skapat en ny matematik som omöjliggör tidigare egendomsdefinition.</p>

Genom att analysera domstolsmaterialet från rättegången mot fildelningssiten The Pirat Bay, i relation till en idéhistorisk diskussion om äganderätt, har uppsatsen funnit att den liberala tanketraditionen och dess juridiska institutioner står inför en betydelseglidning vad gället begreppsparet ”Egendom” och ”Stöld”. Det har visat sig att Lockes naturtillstånd, varseblivningen av ”det oändliga” på jorden, har skiftat plats; från ”naturen” ut till ”cyberspace”, vilket har resulterat i att fildelningstekniken skapat en ny matematik som omöjliggör tidigare egendomsdefinition.

This study takes its point of departure in the tradition of Christian women covering their hair for religious and cultural reasons, hereafter called veiling. The aim has been to investigate what ideas were projected onto the veil in Sweden during the 19th and 20th centuries, as well as when and how the tradition of veiling disappeared among most Christian Swedes. My definition of what constitutes a veil has little to do with the form of the head covering. If an item is used in the mean of covering women’s hair for religious or cultural, rather than practical reasons, then it is considered to be a veil.In his first letter to the assembly of Corinth (1 Cor. 11), the Apostle Paul advocates a veil as a sign of women’s subordination. He also states that women’s hair is a sign of honour and to have it cut would be a disgrace. In 19th century Sweden, it was tradition among the rural populations for women to have long hair, covered indoors as well as outdoors. The sources show that people were aware of the words in 1 Cor. 11 about female subordination and the veil as a sign thereof. Women’s hair became the means for an individual’s inner body to show its virtues via the outer, physical body.In the mid-1920s it became popular for young women to cut their hair short. By accentuating how the world had changed, short hair became a symbol of modernity. Within a decade short hair for young women became the norm all over the country. There were no significant protests of this from the Swedish Church, though free-churches with a more fundamentalist understanding of the Bible remained disapproving. As the century progressed women gradually appeared bare-headed in church. Paul’s words about subordination became considered as an Oriental influence rather than a divine command. By projecting the inequalities of the sexes as an ancient Oriental idea, the western society’s identity as modern and democratic could be asserted. Essentially, everyone agreed that Swedish Christian women were not veiled, nor ever had been, nor should be. Hence the tradition of veiling disappeared in the Swedish Church without much notice.In the more fundamentalist Swedish Pentecostal movement the hair itself began to carry the religious symbolism otherwise given to the veil. In this manner, the hair had indeed become like a veil, as Paul had written. Renouncing long hair was in the end a renunciation of Paul’s words and the hierarchical system assigned by God. Nevertheless, short hair for women eventually became accepted within the Swedish Pentecostal movement as well.

This compilation thesis engages with practices that in some way place stakes in the social existence of Övdalsk (also älvdalska, Elfdalian, Övdalian), a marginal form of Scandinavian used mainly in Sweden’s Älvdalen municipality. The practices at hand range from early 20th century descriptive dialectology and contemporary lay-linguistics to language advocacy and language political debate. The four studies focus on the logic by which such practices operate, on the historically produced visions that they bring into play, as well as on the symbolic effects that they have produced. Study I provides a zoomed-out account of the ordering of Övdalsk in Sweden’s linguistic market. Focusing on a relatively recent debate over the institutional regimentation of Övdalsk, it analyses the forms of agreement upon which the exchange in question has come to rest. The contention has mainly developed over the classification of Övdalsk, percolating in the question of whether Övdalsk ‘is’ a ‘language’ or a ‘dialect’. Analysing this debate, the study takes interest in the relationship between state power and metapragmatic exchange. Study II deals with the history of linguistic thought and research on Övdalsk. It analyses the genesis of some durable visions of the relationship between Övdalsk and linguistic authenticity, focusing on the research practice of the Swedish dialectologist Lars Levander (1883–1950), whose work on Övdalsk commands representative authority to this day. By engaging with Levander’s techniques of scholarly objectivation, as well as with their language theoretical fundaments, the study seeks to create some perspectives on, and distance to, the canonical representations of Övdalsk that have precipitated from Levander’s research. Study III looks into the reuse and reordering of such representations. It provides an ethnographic account of a metapragmatically saturated exchange over Övdalsk grammar, in which descriptivist artefacts play an important part. Through an analysis of texts, in situ interaction, and interviews, the study seeks to grasp the ways in which textual renditions of grammar interrelate with practically sustained, socially recognized models of language and language use (i.e. registers). Study IV tracks the ways in which such visions of authenticity have been drawn into institutionally and politically invested metapragmatic exchanges. It looks into a process of naming of roads in Älvdalen, in which ideas about the contrast between Swedish and Övdalsk played a central part. In all studies, various visions of Övdalsk authenticity and authentic Övdalsk constitute a central theme. The thesis maintains that such visions must be understood in relation to the practices in which they hold currency. Following Silverstein, this epistemological stance entails an engagement with the dialectic between historical formations and situated exchange. Through this analytical orientation, the studies seek to account for the visions of authenticity that have been at the forefront of various symbolic struggles over Övdalsk. Thus, in addition to their respective analytical accounts, the separate studies seek to add shifting temporal horizons to the superordinate heuristic, combining a deep historical backdrop with accounts of protracted institutional processes and analyses of situated linguistic interaction. Ultimately, this mode of analysis provides an in-depth understanding of the object of inquiry. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Submitted.</p>

This thesis paper is a historical study that examines the labor political issues which the movement of Swedish trade unions faced between the years 1966–1985. How did they understand and formulate these problems and what solutions did they present? “The good work” (“Det goda arbetet”) was one such solution which was introduced in 1985 by The Union of Industrial Metalworkers (Metallindustriarbetareförbundet). This thesis explores the underlying ideas and the history behind this visionary program and how it took inspiration from the ideological developments of the previous decades. This is done by analysing four conference reports published in association with yearly union conferences between 1966 and 1985. These reports center around themes of technological development, working conditions, worker power and self determination to name a few.  The analysis focuses on the labor political issues that arose after the establishment of the “Swedish model” and the post-war era economic boom. One of the major ideological developments during the 1960s was the backlash against the fordist model of production and the critique of rationalisation of work in general. This is shown to be one the major shifts in thinking about work which leads towards the development of solutions such as “The good work” during the 1970s and 80s. Furthermore, it is shown how “The good work” was linked historically to alienation theory and sociological research during the period. The key conclusions from the analysis focus on how worker discontent during the late 1960s led to massive labor political reforms during the 1970s along with the larger project of democratising the workplace gaining new life. This development, however, took a turn in 1976 when the social democratic party lost their first election in nearly 40 years. The analysis of the report by The Union of Industrial Metalworkers from 1985 shows the vision of “The good work” as they formulated it to be stuck between two separate eras. On the one hand it was still in conversation with the left-wing project of advancing labor power and democracy from the 1970s. On the other it had to confront the new political landscape of the 1980s and the right-wing turn towards neoliberalism.

The profile the individual creates on social media can be likened to a digital panopticon. How this profilicity has developed is examined by reviewing seven texts concerning the creation of identity. After this, five paradigms emerge that map how profilicity has developed through history and how the profile has become a digital panopticon in a post-political society. The profile thus becomes a tool for strengthening the hegemony that prevails in society. / Profilen individen skapat på sociala medier kan liknas vid ett digitalt panoptikon. Hur denna profilicitet växt fram undersöks genom att sju källor rörande identitetens skapande gås igenom. Efter detta träder fem paradigm fram som kartlägger hur profiliciteten växt fram genom historien och hur profilen kommit att bli ett digitalt panoptikon i det postpolitiska samhället. Profilen blir således ett verktyg för att förstärka den hegemoni som råder i samhället.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera två för Sverige betydelsefulla kulturpolitiska styrdokument, för att analysera hur relationen mellan kultur och ekonomi gestaltas i respektive diskurs. Genom att jämföra 1970-talets med det tidiga 2000-talets kulturpolitik, med de kulturella och ekonomiska begreppens historiska utveckling från senmedeltiden och framåt, förklaras det spända förhållandet mellan kultur och ekonomi. De idéer och teorier som utgör grunden för de kulturpolitiska diskurserna kommer att analyseras genom att använda den hermeneutiska metoden, innehållsanalys och semiotisk diskursanalys, där olika strategier för kulturell och ekonomisk planering utgör idealtyper för uppsatsens undersökning. Samtidigt som kultur och ekonomi har en delad historisk utveckling i samband med det moderna samhällets uppkomst, blir det tydligt att det rör sig om två motsatta synsätt där antingen kulturen eller ekonomin ges prioritet i kulturpolitiken, där den ena blir ett ändamål för att uppnå den andra. / The purpose of this essay is to analyze two key documents in relation to Swedish culture policies, and to analyze how the relationship between culture and economy manifest in their respective discourses. By comparing the 1970’s to the early 2000’s cultural policies, with the cultural and economic terms and historical development from the late middle ages forward, theories and ideas from which the tense relationship between culture and economics will be explained. Also, by using the method of hermeneutics, content analysis and semiotic discourse analysis with the ideal types of different strategies for culture and economic, the ideas which formed the basics of the policies discourses will be shown. While showing that culture and economy has a shared historical development in conjunction with the development of modern society, the result showed two opposite points of view in which either culture or economics is considered a priority which leads to achieving the other.

Denna uppsats undersöker Sverigedemokraternas kvinnoförbund SD-Kvinnor och hur förbundet ser på jämställdhet. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur ett kvinnoförbund på högerkanten formeras och att analysera denna formering utifrån ett genusperspektiv. Utgångspunkten har varit att svara på huruvida SD-Kvinnor representerades i SD-Kuriren under 2010–2012, vilka föreställningar som genomsyrar SD-Kvinnor och deras idéer om jämställdhet samt vilka politiska ämnen som diskuteras i kvinnoförbundets podcast ”Snedsteg” och vilka idéer och föreställningar dessa ämnen laddas med. Det teoretiska förhållningssättet är genusbaserad. Metoden utgörs av en kvalitativ textanalys där såväl fysiskt som digitalt material används. SD-Kvinnors idéer om jämställdhet bygger på konservativa grunddrag. De föreställningar som genomsyrar SD-Kvinnors idéer om jämställdhet är att de vill att den enskilda familjen har rätt till självbestämmande och att detta skall respekteras. Kvoteringsfrågan är SD-Kvinnor starkt kritiska till då de menar att jämställdhetspolitik handlar om att lösa problem som är ojämna hellre än att fördela lika mellan könen. Den övervägande politiska människosyn som kvinnoförbundet har handlar i hög grad om att bejaka de biologiska skillnaderna mellan könen. I SD-Kuriren är det tydligt att kvinnor är underrepresenterade i medlemstidningen under den period som undersöks. SD-Kvinnor presenteras på ett visst sätt i medlemstidningen,och gärna separat från det övriga innehållet i medlemstidningen. En slags idealbild av SD-Kvinnan skrivs fram där den socialkonservativa idén om idealkvinnan konstrueras. De politiska ämnen som diskuteras i podcasten Snedsteg är hämtade direkt från Sverigedemokraternas politik där endast sverigedemokrater är inbjudna. De ämnen som diskuteras är breda samhällsfrågor i form av brottslighet, invandring, hedersfrågor, den egna utanförskapen samt vårdfrågor. Dessa laddas med idén om Sverige som ett otryggt samhälle i förfall. Den här uppsatsen visar även att SD-Kvinnor inte nämns i SD-Kuriren förrän i juni 2011 trots att kvinnoförbundet funnits sedan oktober 2010. / This paper explores the women’s union called SD-Women of the political party Sweden Democrats and where they stand in terms of gender equality. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how a women’s union in the far right is formed and analyze this from a gender perspective. The basis has been to find out whether SD-Women are represented in their newspaper SD-Kuriren during 2010-2012, which type of concepts are raised by SD-Women and their ideas regarding gender equality, and lastly also which political topics are discussed in SD-Women’s podcast “Snedsteg” and the notions and concepts these topics are saturated by. The theoretical approach is based on gender and the method constitutes of a qualitative textual analysis where both physical and digital material is used.SD-Women’s ideas in terms of gender equality are based on a conservative essence. The concept that saturates SD-Women’s ideas regarding gender equality is that every individual family should be allowed to govern itself without outside influence and this is something that should be respected. The subject of electoral quotas is strongly criticized by SD-Women as they imply that gender equality politics should revolve around solving inequality problems rather than dividing equally amongst the genders. The predominant political views of SD-Women in terms of mankind is to affirm the biological differences between genders. In SD-Kuriren it’s clear that women are less represented during the period that is analyzed. SD-Women is presented in a very specific way in SD-Kuriren, and often separated from the other contents of the newspaper. A type of ideal image of a Sweden Democrat women is offered where the social conservative idea of an ideal woman is constructed.The political topics that are discussed in the podcast Snedsteg are directly imported from the politics of Sweden Democrats themselves where only other Sweden Democrats are invited to the podcast. The discussed topics are often the larger societal issues like crime, immigration, family honor, health care and also the Sweden Democrats own alienation. These topics are saturated with the idea of Sweden being an insecure society under decay. This paper will also shed a light on the fact that SD-Women is not mentioned at all in SD-Kuriren until June 2011, even though they were in existence since October 2010.

<p>Abstract</p><p>This paper is about the philosophies created by Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) and Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900). The purpose is to show the high degree of similarities between Thoreau’s and Nietzsche’s philosphy.</p><p>At first glance, it seems far-fetched to suggest an affinity between them; the differences in style and choice of subjects, have most certainly contributed to the fact that very few comparisons so far have been made. There is no evidence that one experienced any influence over the other, neither writer seems to have been aware of the other. Also their different areas of use during the 20th century, may have influenced the almost total lack of search for affinity. Thoreau’s philosphy has often been used by environmentalist movements, while Nietzsche has been connected to a wide range of various strivings, such as totalitarian regimes, individualistic artists and post-modern thinkers.</p><p>But if one disregard these facts, look beyond the differences, and break down their texts in search for their most fundamental opinions, one will see that Nietzsche and Thoreau shared a number of concerns. They were both ciritical to many aspects of the modern civilisation, espacially the way of life it encouraged. It was a life style, deep rooted in an obstructive tradition, that did not take the very essential conditions of life into consideration. This was both Thoreau’s and Nietzsche’s opinion, and their philosophies represent a willingness to re-establish a way of life that ignores all traditions hostile to life.</p><p>Both of them criticize the religion and its moral of work, the modern science, and many institutions of the modern society – the schools and the prisons for example. But they also praise things, things they claim to have a value in contrast to the modern way of life – the simple things. Both Thoreau and Nietzsche praise the solitude life style, the silent walking in the wilderness, the simple but healthy food, as well as some intellectual stimulus, especially good litterature and music. All these simple things contribute to Thoreau’s and Nietzsche’s opinion of life; it should be looked upon with the eyes of a child. Life should be like a play.</p><p>The title of this paper is Philosphers of the Rooster and the Morning. The title suggests the similarities I have found between Thoreau’s and Nietzsche’s philosophies. They both announce an awakening. For them, a new morning has broken, and this paper shows the similar circumstances they give credit for their awakening.</p>