The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes and constants of the Cross-Strait relationship since 1949 on the basis of a constructivist framework of International Relations theory. After having introduced basic assumptions of rule-based constructivism, mainly following Nicholas Onuf, the thesis argues that the Cross-Strait relationship can be analyzed as a social construct that has mainly been governed by the “one China” rule, which is designed and influenced by speech acts performed by relevant agents in Taiwan, China, the US, as well as academia. A summary of the historic context of Cross-Strait relationship developments (1949-2000) which highlights the circumstances of the creation of the “one China” rule as well as gradual challenges to it, is followed by a comparison between the approaches of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) of constructing this relationship between 2000-2008 and 2008-2011, respectively. Due to the DPP's and KMT's very different ideologies, and their antithetic definitions of Taiwan's relationship to China, there were distinct variations in their performances of speech acts, that are analyzed in the context of three discursive examples and which, together with related practices, aimed either at weakening (DPP) or strengthening (KMT) the “one China” rule as a cornerstone for Taiwan's relationship to China. Despite attempts by Taiwanese agents during the two consecutive DPP administrations to break the “one China” rule, it remains an important aspect of the Cross-Strait relationship as it is sustained, to different degrees, by agents in China, the US and the current KMT government. However, due to their adjustments over time and the development of Taiwan's democratic system, a new “status quo” rule has steadily gained momentum. Therefore, the thesis argues, that it will be crucial to see how the preferences of the Taiwanese populace with respect to their home's relationship to China will evolve in the future and how the relevant agents will respond to these developments.

本文旨在檢視並反思國家中心論之相關觀點與命題，概括而言，即對國家在國際關係理論構成體系中呈現必然性及優越性進行理論檢視及意義探索，國家中心論內涵包括：國家係國際政治關鍵行為者？國家係國際事務核心決策者？等強勢論述。許多檢視國家中心論文獻雖可清楚指出其在解釋國際政治之不足與限制，或從批判觀點根本性否定國家中心論真實性與正當性，惟專就國家這個概念主體進行討論，其研究成果往往流於空泛言談，並無法明確地指出國家中心論核心論述受到檢驗的面向，因而流於道德勸說式的規範論述，亦無法建立明確分析架構。鑒此，本論文盼建立具解釋效益之分析架構，首先將檢視關於國家中心論涉及基本命題，續將透過檢視主權、安全及國際體系等論述之變遷，探討國家中心論如何受到檢驗過程，亦可呈現社會科學後實證主義對理論基本命題所致論述轉移（discourse shift）

本論文以歐盟防制人口販運之實踐做為實例，驗證全球治理下聯合國及歐盟等領導性的國際行為者，對於國際人權發展與人權保障除正面的發展外，亦可能造成負面之影響，國際人權規範擴散面臨一定之侷限性與挑戰。全球治理下之國際人權規範擴散，對於人權的保障有時是種助力也是種阻力。 歐盟雖然倡導針對防制人口販運議題之合作應當採取一個包括查緝起訴、保護以及預防三大面向的全面性解決途徑，但實際上，歐盟防制人口販運之合作制度架構初期仍是以維持境內安全的安全途徑為主軸，而非關注受害者人權之保障；幸而歐盟於2011年通過「預防及打擊人口販運與保護受害者指令」後，防制人口販運的政策更加強調必須以人口販運受害者為核心。然而，在將以受害者為核心的人權規範擴散至成員國方面，卻仍受到極大的挑戰，蓋歐盟成員國多將人口販運視為非法移民議題，故其防制人口販運之作為實仍環繞著以打擊犯罪為主的思維，人口販運受害者時常被視為非法移民而使其人權遭到侵害。 全球治理下，歐盟等人權法律規範相對完備之國際行為者，其人權規範與建制的推廣與擴散，確實有其值得肯定的正面意義。然而，當歐盟等全球治理行為者不能有效地實現其宗旨，或是其行為違背其理當服膺之價值而削弱其公正、客觀及道德性角色時，其規範性權威亦會受到挑戰。

本研究主要依據建構主義理論基礎，在一般教學和學習理論基礎上建構所謂的「建構主義取向的教學方法」。為探討建構取向教學法在數學學習成效的效果，乃選取國中一年級兩個班為研究對象，進行為期兩個月的教學實驗，以進行實地的建構取向教學與傳統教學之比較，並對學生在教學前後與其間所填答的問卷或資料進行分析，本研究所採的研究工具計有：(一)數學段考考卷；(二)數學學習成就測驗；(三)國中新生數學能力測驗；(四)數學學習經驗量表；(五)學習日記表格；(六)數學學習回饋問卷。使用的資料分析方法有：(一)獨立樣本單因子共變數分析；(二)質的分析。精分析結果如下： 一、建議教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學段考成績無顯著差異存在。 二、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學學習成就測驗後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 三、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學焦慮量表後測得分無顯著差異存在。 四、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在數學動機信念量表後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 五、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在班級氣氛量表後測得分有顯著差異存在。且建構教學組顯著優於傳統教學組。 六、建構教學組的學生與傳統教學組的學生在民主溝通態度量表後測得分無顯著差異存在。 七、由接受建議教學法的學生的數學學習回饋問卷與學習日記上可發現多數學生對建議教學持正面肯定的態度。 本研究針對上述發現加以討論，並對數學教學、行政措施與未來研究提出若干建議以供參考。 / The experiment on math achievement of the seventh grade students - the constructvist approach

本文之研究以1971 年東南亞國協簽署的《和平、自由與中立區宣言》內容為 契機，進一步探究冷戰時期東協區域中立化發展的過程；從建構主義的研究途徑進 行分析，東協的中立區建構乃借用了國際法「中立化」的精神，並透過在地化的發 展，演變出適合東協區域的規範如「不干預原則」與「和平解決爭端原則」等。 而區域的中立化發展回應了東協在冷戰時期的核心利益，維持國家主權自主，不受兩極霸權的操作與干預，以尋求穩定的發展「國家建立」過程；但區域卻未形塑具體的「中立區」機制，或是具有約束力的條約與規範，而僅是以政治性宣示、聯合宣言來表達其區域共識，這是東協長久以來維持和平的規範特色與互動模式。 面對後冷戰時期區域環境的轉變，東協區域中立化的發展面臨調適的過程，透過簽署《東協憲章》與發展安全共同體來加強東協制度化層面，但卻依舊受到既有的區域中立化規範所影響，東協應如何在效率的強化與「不干預原則」中尋求平衡乃當前的重要課題；同時，在東協推動安全共同體的整合過程中，區域的共識卻因為與周邊國家的主權爭端－「南海議題」而遭受破壞，這考驗著東協能否在2015年如期完成安全共同體建構的行程表。

本論文針對冷戰結束以來的十六年間，美國政府對中共角色與關係之定位，欲探討的問題具體言之是「為什麼美國政府再一九八九年以來，對中共的關係定位會在『戰略夥伴』與『戰略對手』間發生擺盪」。本論文首先指出，理性主義雖是解釋國際關係時較慣用的工具，然而不論新現實主義、新自由制度主義均無法對此研究主題提供一套有系統的解釋；本論文繼而發現，建構主義雖承繼部分理性主義的決策模式概念，卻能對上述關係定位變動做出系統性的詮釋。 本論文共計六章：第一章通盤概述研究的動機、目的、方法，並闡明整個主題架構及限制條件。第二章勾勒出老布希、柯林頓、小布希政府對中共關係定位的變化，完成本論文的「描述分析」，作為整體論述之背景。第三章依循理性主義觀點，發現新現實主義無法解釋何以美國在「確保相對收益」的考量下會與中共採取合作；再者，按照新自由制度主義「開創絕對收益」的邏輯，卻與美國視中共為戰略對手，並陷入人權、貿易、台灣議題等爭議的情況不相符。第四章介紹建構主義的主要論點，並針對何以選定溫特的主流建構主義提出解釋，再逐一檢視建構主義的本體論、認識論、方法論、世界觀。第五章依循國際權力架構、理念等兩大參考點，驗證建構主義之解釋力。發現「亞太扇型戰略」、「多層次統一戰線」、「新保守主義」、「攻勢現實主義」等理念，是美國政府為美、「中」關係定位的重要因素。從世界觀的角度切入，如果是霍布斯的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略對手」；如果是康德的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略夥伴」；如果是洛克的文化架構，美國會在接觸中保持戒慎。第六章為結論，認為儘管建構主義提供一個較寬闊的解析平台，但建構主義與理性主義並非必然相斥，尋求兩個典範之整合，乃成為本研究針對後續研究所提出的建議事項之一。 / This thesis addresses an issue regarding the US Government’s identification of the Chinese role as well as the bilateral relations between the two states during the past sixteen years ever since the end of the Cold War. It deals specifically with the following question: why the US administrations since 1989 have shuttled their identification of China between a strategic partner and strategic competitor? It firstly argues that rationalism, as conventionally an explanatory tool in IR, proves insufficient to provide a set of consistent answer. Unsatisfied, this thesis continues its argument that the question brought forth at the beginning can be effectively resolved, or interpreted, by constructivism, despite the constructivist rationale may not necessarily render rational choice model utterly invalid in this case. Structurally speaking, Chapter One gives a brief with respect to the whole thematic structure inclusive of purpose of the study mentioned above and research limitations. Chapter Two demonstrates an effort of descriptive study as a set of background information by sketching out different phases of identification about relations with China that have been harbored by successive US administrations from President Bush Sr., Clinton to Bush Jr.. Chapter Three can be seen as an account of this thesis’ trying effort to explore the question per se from the rationalist perspective. The findings in Chapter Three are as follows: Neo-realism fails to explain why the US, premised upon concern of relative gains, would have cooperation with China. Neo-liberal institutionalism, following the logic of maximization of absolute gains, is inconsistent with an answer to the question of why the US would not given in on the issues of human rights and trade deficits. The above findings are suggestive. They open up the need for this thesis to observe the Sino-US diplomatic interactions from a social perspective in IR, i.e., constructivism. Chapter Four ushers in main points of constructivism. Two arguments are therefore in order. First, it gives a justification for the choice of the mainstream of constructivism in IR advanced by Alexander Wendt. Second, to suit the purpose of this research, it funnels the ontological, epistemological, methodological arguments, world views raised by the constructivist school and thrashes out two reference points—world power structure and ideation—for further observations. Chapter Five brings up the main body of the argument. It argues that a series of ideas such as A Fan-mode Strategic Concept in Asia Pacific, Multi-layer United Front, Neo-conservatism and Defensive Realism have been influential on the US identification of the relations with China. They in turn strike an image of Sino-US bilateral relations reflective of three kinds of culture distinguished by constructivists. In Hobbes’ terms, China can be seen as a strategic competitor. In Kant’s, China is a strategic partner. In Locke’s, the US is engaged but remains sceptical. Chapter Six is the concluding part. It goes beyond the phenomena and moves into the theoretical realm by arguing that, although constructivism offers a broader analytic platform, rationalism and constructivism need not be exclusive. That much room for integration of the two paradigms becomes one of the recommendations for further researches.

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

本研究旨在探討如何設計以建構主義為基礎的網際網路合作學習環境，以研發二次函數網際網路課程，並藉由實驗研究法分析在網際網路合作學習情境中，不同的學習型態與認知風格對於學習成效之影響，最後以質性研究法探討學生合作互動歷程之認知模式及相關影響因素，並分析學生學習二次函數易犯之錯誤類型。 本研究使用之研究方法包括學習軟體研發、實驗研究法、問卷調查法、晤談法、及內容分析法。研究者首先研發及評量「二次函數網際網路課程」，並隨機選擇國民中學二年級學生60名為研究對象，依學習型態及學生認知風格分成內控單獨組、外控單獨組、內控合作組、外控合作組、內外控混合合作組等五組進行教學實驗。俟教學實驗後進行紙筆測驗、問卷調查、及晤談，研究者並搜集學生在電子白板上的對話進行內容分析。根據研究結果分析，本研究主要之結論如下： 一、網際網路合作學習環境有助於學生學習數學二次函數概念在網際網路合作學習環境中，提供合作的視覺學習環境，協助學習者多重轉化代數表徵成為幾何表徵的動態網頁，使學習者在不同條件脈絡中進行比較、反思，以了解二次函數中代數與幾何的關係，已有具體的教學成效。 二、 在網路學習環中，不同認知風格的學生在個別學習效果上有差異存在在網際網路個別學習環境中，內控組的學習成效顯著優於外控組。即在網際網路學習環境中，採用個別學習策略，具外控取向特質的學習者，學習成效不佳；而具內控取向特質的學習者，有較佳的學習成效。 三、在網路學習環境中，不同認知風格的學生在合作學習效果上未有顯著差異存在在網際網路合作學習環境中，內控合作組、外控合作組、及內外控混合合作組的學習成效無顯著差異。研究顯示透過合作學習可提升外控取向學習者的學習成效，淡化認知風格對學習者的影響。 四、 網際網路合作學習互動歷程為個人建構、群體澄清、知識重構、群體重構的認知改變模式在網際網路合作學習互動歷程中，個人先形成自我的知識概念，並將個人建構的基模公開呈現與他人分享，當個體的認知概念間產生差異時，合作群體間即產生質疑，並提出澄清，經澄清後合作群體彼此協商，重構知識、統合意見並產生共識，即成為合作小組的認知概念。 五、 同儕模式的網際網路合作學習方式缺少高支持性鷹架結構以同儕為基礎的網際網路合作學習環境中，因學生的先備知識不足及溝通技巧的缺乏，容易產生錯誤概念的學習及習得片斷的知識。是以，針對年齡小或能力低的學習者所設計的網際網路合作學習課程，教師的參與討論與互動是必要的，以能提供學習者高支持性鷹架結構。 六、 在網際網路合作學習環境的互動歷程中，外控取向學習者佈題的行為多於內控取向學習者研究中發現外控取向學習者佈題的行為多於內控取向學習者，內控取向學習者解題的行為多於外控取向學習者。 根據研究結果，本研究提出下列建議，以供教學者、教學媒體設計者、教育行政單位、及後續研究者之參考： 一、應整合學科專家、教育專家、電腦網路程式設計師、美術專業人士以研發更符合學習者需求的網路課程。 二、宜針對學習者特性提供不同的網路教學策略，使建構的網際網路課程更符合學習者的需求。 三、在網際網路合作學習環境中，課程設計應以討論情境、分享知識、及解決問題為主，始能提升合作成效。 四、宜訂定網路界面設計標準及評鑑指標，以做為網路課程發展的依據。 五、在網際網路合作學習環境中，教師應適度參與學生的討論活動，提供鷹架支持的功能。 六、應加強國家整體網路基礎建設，使能改善網路教學品質，提高學習成效。 / The Purpose of this study is threefold.　One is to explore how to design a quadratic function internet curriculum in the internet computer-based collaborative learning environment, based on constructivism. Second, learning effects of different learning styles and cognitive styles in the internet collaborative learning context are analyzed through empirical research methods. Third, the students' cognitive modes and other relative factors in the collaborative learning interaction process, as well as the students' frequent error types in learning quadratic functions, are identified and analyzed through qualitative research methods. The research methods adopted in this study include the development of learning software, empirical research methods, questionnaires, interviews, and content analysis. The researcher first developed and assessed the "internet curriculum of quadratic functions", and selected 60 second graders of a junior high school as research subjects, according to the students' learning and cognitive styles, and categorizing them into the group of internal locus of control with individual learning, the group of external locus of control with individual learning, the group of internal locus of control collaborative learning, the group of external locus of control with collaborative learning, and the group of mixing internal-external locus of control with collaborative learning to implement teaching experiments. After the experiments were finished, the research conducted a written test, questionnaire surveys, and interviews. Besides, the students' dialogue data on Bulletin Board System was collected and analyzed. Based on the analysis results of this study, the main conclusionsare as follows: 1. Internet collaborative learning environment facilitates students learning the concepts of quadratic functions. In the environment of the internet collaborative learning, interactive web pages provide visualized collaborative learning context, assist learners to transform algebraic representation into geometric representation, and give learners opportunities to compare and rethink in different conditions about the relations of algebra and geometry in quadratic functions.　All of which have been proved to have concrete learning effects. 2. In the environment of the internet learning, individual learning effect differences exist among students of different cognitive learning styles. In the environment of the internet individual learning, learning effects of the external control group are better than those of the internal control group. In other words, learners with external locus of control, using individual learning strategies do not have good learning effects.　However, learners with internal locus of control have better learning effects. 3. In the environment of the internet learning, there is no significant differences among students with different cognitive styles. In the environment of the internet collaborative learning, the learning effects among the group of internal locus of control collaborative learning, the group of external locus of control with collaborative learning, and the group of mixing internal-external locus of control with collaborative learning show no significant differences.　This study shows collaborative learning help improve the learning effects of learners with external locus of control, and ease the impacts of cognitive styles on learners. 4. The interaction process of the internet collaborative learning is a cognitive revolution of individual construction, group clarification, knowledge reconstruction, and group reconstruction. In the interaction process of the internet collaborative learning, individuals form self knowledge concepts, and shares their self-constructed sckema with other people. When individual cognitive differences occur, there will be questioning, clarifying, negotiating, reconstructing the knowledge, integratingopinions, and reaching common agreements, which will become the cognitive concepts of the collaborative group. 5. Peer collaborative learning on the internet lacks highly-supportive scaffolding structures. In the context of peer collaborative internet learning, it is easy for students to learn incorrect concepts and incomplete knowledge content, owning to their insufficient prior knowledge and communication skills. Therefore, in designing the internet collaborative learning curriculum for young or incompetent learners, it is a must to involve the teachers to join the discussion and interaction, in order to provide learners highly-supportive scaffolding structures. 6. In the interaction process of the internet collaborative learning, learners with external locus of control have more problem posing behaviors than those with internal locus of control. The study finds that learners with external locus of control have more problem posing behaviors than those with internal locus of control. On the other hand, learners with internal locus of control have more problem solving behaviors than those with external locus of control. Based on the research results, this study proposes the following suggestion for the reference of teachers, educational media designers, education admonitions, and future researchers: 1. Discipline experts, education experts, internet engineers, computer programmers, art designers should cooperate to develop the internet curricula which meet learners' needs more perfectly. 2. Different internet teaching strategies should be provided based on learners' characteristics, in order to make the constructed internet curricula meet learners' needs more perfectly. 3. In the environment of internet collaborative learning, syllabus design should be mainly on discussing situations, sharing knowledge, and solving problems, in order to facilitate collaboration effects. 4. It is better to set the internet interface design standards and evaluation indexes to provide a basis for the internet curricular development. 5. In the environment of the internet collaborative learning, teachers should attend students' discussions when needed, functioning as scaffolding support. 6. National Information Infrastructure should be improved to have higher internet learning quality and thus to enhance learning effects.

第二次世界大戰結束以後，以美國為首的西方國家為了嚇阻蘇聯的入侵，遂成立了北大西洋公約組織。這也標誌著冷戰時期美蘇兩強對峙的局面。冷戰結束以後，許多學者因而預言北約即將瓦解。但多年以來，北約卻依然存在，更歷經了三次東擴。本文寫作的目的，便欲透過重新檢視國際關係理論三大主要學派的觀點，對於後冷戰時期的北約存續提出解釋。 在現實主義學者陣營中，摩根索與華爾滋的「權力平衡」論點與北約發展的史實不符；施韋勒的「扈從利益」論點僅部分解釋了國家聯盟行為，對於「扈從」概念的界定又出現前後不一；米爾斯海默的「推卸責任」論點試圖同時涵蓋「制衡」與「不制衡」兩種選項，而純粹的「推卸責任」策略又必須依賴其他國家願意承擔，因此不易成功。瓦特的「威脅平衡」理論雖仍有不足之處，但較適合解釋本文的個案。筆者認為，後冷戰時期的北約便是面臨了大規模毀滅性武器擴散、俄羅斯存在與恐怖主義等威脅，才強化了盟國繼續合作的意願。 從新自由主義學者的觀點而言，國家若欲在無政府狀態的國際體系中維持合作關係，便需要以互惠為基礎而運作的國際制度。當國際制度能隨著成員的需求而調整時，就能獲得更多支持。由於美國的優勢國力受到北約的制度規範與集體決策機制削弱，又具有軟權力的勸服力量，遂吸引了中、東歐國家加入聯盟。此外，民主國家之間較不容易發生戰爭。這些因素都維繫了北約盟國在後冷戰時期的合作關係。 由於後冷戰時期的北約在訴求「內群體」偏袒的同時，卻未激化「外群體」歧視。建構主義學者認為，若隨著聯盟關係的發展，成員之間能培養出休戚與共的集體身份，將個別的國家安全問題視同為集體的安全議題時，彼此便超越了傳統軍事聯盟在攻擊與防禦上合作的功能，而達到安全共同體的境界。北約所具備的規範特性也進一步增強了其對盟國的型塑能力。 聯盟的本質在於合作。但關鍵是國家為何合作、如何促進合作，以及如何決定合作對象或競爭對手。事實上，後冷戰時期的北約並未放棄對付共同威脅的核心目標，卻也逐漸發展出安全管理的功能，不但參與了維和行動，也建立起和俄羅斯與烏克蘭的對話機制，更凝聚了盟國的信念而形成具有集體身份的安全共同體。 / In the aftermath of WWII, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), mainly led by the U.S., was formed to deter U.S.S.R.’s aggression. This organization signified the bipolar system of international relations. When the Cold War came to an end, many scholars once predicted NATO would collapse. However, the alliance still endures for decades and enlarges eastward three times. The purpose of the dissertation is to reappraise the perspectives from three major schools of International Relation theory and provide some explanation of NATO’s endurance in the post-Cold War era. In the camp of realists, the balance-of-power theory raised by Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth N. Waltz is inconsistent with the facts of NATO’s development. The bandwagon-for-profit theory proposed by Randall L. Schweller only gives partial explanation of international alliances and takes a contradictory position on the concept of bandwagon. The buck-passing theory maintained by John J. Mearsheimer tries to include both the options of balance and not-balance on the one hand, while depends heavily on other states’ willingness to take the responsibility of balance on the other hand. As far as we know, the latter seldom results in success. Although the balance-of-threat theory sustained by Stephen M. Walt still has some shortcomings, it can provide a better explanation of the case discussed in the dissertation. This author concludes that NATO faces multiple threats of the spread of WMD, the existence of Russia and transnational terrorism in the post-Cold War era. That’s why the allies continue to cooperate. From the standing points of neo-liberalists, if states want to maintain cooperation under the anarchical international system, they will need international institutions based on reciprocity. When international institutions can be adjusted with the demand of their member states, they will obtain more supports. Because the primacy of the U.S. was reduced by the institutional rules and joint decision making process in NATO and accompanied with persuasive soft power, some Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) were drew to join the alliance. Moreover, there are few wars among democracies. For all these reasons, NATO still survives until now. When NATO seeks to develop in-group favoritism in the post-Cold War era, it does not activate out-group discrimination. Constructivists state that if members of alliances can cultivate their collective identities and transform national security problems into collective ones, they can go beyond traditional military alliances and become security communities. Features of norms in NATO also strengthen their capabilities in shaping the alliance. The essence of alliance is cooperation. Its key points for states lie in why they cooperate, how to facilitate their cooperation and how to choose their partners or opponents. As a matter of fact, in the aftermath of the Cold War, NATO doesn’t give up its core purpose of fighting against common threats, while it develops the function of security management gradually. Besides, NATO takes part in the peace-keeping operations and builds the mechanisms for communication with Russia and Ukraine. In the end, NATO solidates the belief from its member states and turns into a security community of collective identity.