本研究「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」倡議「台灣加入世界衛生組織（WHO）」議題的過程為觀察對象，探討議題發展的過程中，非政府組織、議題、與議題所處的環境，彼此如何相互影響，以成就議題的生命。 研究發現，就組織層面來看，「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」從社會運動組織轉型為制度化的非政府組織，其發展的過程與台灣許多非政府組織的轉型過程相似，而組織與政府關係的改變，則增加了「台灣加入世界衛生組織」議題的能見度，也成功促使議題進入政府的決策體系。 此外，WHO議題若與其他社會因素（如選舉）或天然災害相結合，能夠增加議題在媒體上的曝光程度；而「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」針對議題進行的各種訊息策略與遊說，雖然不一定完全獲得媒體報導，但的確是促使議題獲得國內或國外能見度的重要因素。

公共工程於政府採購之履約過程中常因政策性考量、實際施作問題、法令修改、民意反映、使用單位需求等因素，而須適當辦理變更設計、追加減預算，此時機關辦理程序除應依工程採購契約之規定，確認機關得辦理契約變更之內容及範圍；並應依行政院公共工程委員會令頒「採購契約變更或加減價核准監辦備查規定一覽表」，確認該採購之核准、監辦及備查程序。 惟機關辦理工程採購實務上，對於工程契約變更的意義，以及何種情形可以構成契約的變更，得以調整契約之金額或工期，可說是最常見的工程爭議。而國內之工程契約，對於工程契約之變更，原則上均設有簡繁不一之契約條款，而這些條款對於工程契約變更之意義、內涵或態樣，在實務上究應如何解釋或適用，對於機關工程人員而言常生困惑。 因此本文首先就實務上常用得為契約解釋及漏洞填補之法律原則作說明。並透過民法第247條之1說明有關契約之規制，乃在防止契約自由之濫用，以避免契約淪為一方當事人剝奪他方權利之工具，而造成利益顯失平衡之狀態；而契約如發生非具體生活經驗所得預料之障礙或分配風險之契約條款因法律規定而無效時，則應依民法第227條之2第1項規定，透過契約之調整以維契約之公平。 其次，對於機關辦理之工程採購而言，為防範得標廠商不自行履行契約之轉包行為，政府採購法對於契約主體之變更或契約之轉讓有嚴格之限制。惟對於機關辦理之工程採購而言，如絕對禁止契約主體之變更或轉讓，在若干情形下並非當然符合機關之利益，此時仍有契約主體之變更或轉讓之可能。故本文除就契約主體變更之意義略作說明外，亦將對實務上可能發生契約主體變更之情形作一探討；另就工程契約客體變更部分，本文將以常見工程契約變更之原因及相關契約條款規定作說明。並就工程契約變更之範圍與限制、機關指示契約變更的必要性與容許性進行探討。 最後，依契約變更的內容，以新增契約工作項目、刪減契約工作項目、工作數量增減及工作性質與內容等四種變更情形分別討論之，期能理出工程契約變更相關爭議之處理方式，減少機關人員與廠商對於履約管理實務上之認知落差，進而降低政府採購履約階段糾紛之發生，並藉此提高政府整體之採購效率及經濟利益。

建構優質的電子化政府，首要條件是提供民眾整合型一站式服務的入口網站，達成一站式服務，除共用基礎設施服務外，應具備介接整合各機關資訊與線上服務的能力。過往政府推動電子化政府，雖然已獲得相當成就，但各機關資訊系統整合程度不足，多數服務尚無法提供跨機關主動服務，本研究是藉由文獻的蒐集與研究，並以創新的思維，提出政府主動服務的經營模式，並採個案研究方法，驗證所提出之模式的可行性，因此，在研究方法上，將著重現實現象的整理與未來環境、機制的設計，即採行從當前環境到期望環境藍圖(From AS-IS to TO-BE)策略分析的研究模式。 本研究結果發現：1.各國政府以實現「全政府」作為主要策略，顯示推動資訊系統整合仍為主要工作。2.藉由Web2.0 使用戶間強大連結力，企業可以快速產生新的商業模式，提升企業網站的知名度與使用度。3.本研究提出改變電子化政府服務型態的三要素，資訊代理人、以家戶為主體、為顧客提供Web2.0平台。4. 本研究將網站的服務分為九種型態，提供網站服務轉型參考。5.本研究提出以CRM建構前瞻性主動服務的理念，整合內部資訊與顧客喜好，主動提供顧客服務。 政府Myegov入口網與民眾e管家，本研究提出主動服務的改造建議有：1.Myegov入口網應提供元件共享、資訊透過RSS互通。2.提供跨機關主題式服務、提供民眾可自行訂製、設計自己符合自己需要的e政府管家。3.以「家」為主體的理念，引導政府透過政府共享式服務平台，主動整合後台資訊系統。4.運用資料倉儲系統，建立市民關係管理共享式資料庫，提供民眾前瞻性主動服務。 / In order to construct a high-quality e-government, an integrated one-stop-shop service portal must be provided to the general public. In addition to sharing the services of IT infrastructure, to achieve the integrated one-stop service is also necessary to provide interfaces for all departments so that their information and services can be integrated. In the past, the government has reached many achievements in transforming many of the governmental related processes electronically. However, the integrated information system between different levels and/or ministries is not enough to provide the general public certain interdepartmental services actively. It is the hope of this research to discover an efficient strategy to push for better proactive e-government service model and to provide such strategy to the government for further reference. According to this research is hoping to use innovative thinking to come up the proactive e-government service model based on the collection and research of various documents and literature. This study will also use related e-government research cases for feasibility study on the model proposed. As such, this research stressed on current condition and future context, the design of mechanism, employing in “As-Is to To-Be” strategic analysis research model. This result of study is found: 1.The governments of various countries promote the e-government's main strategy as the future service was still realizing on the information-intensive society of “the whole government”. It shows that various countries are pushing the work on information system integration. 2. Web2.0 is not only a new information technology, but the mechanism that enterprises are used for interacting with end user and offer the space to user by sharing information at the same time. According to leverage the linkage through powerful strength on Web2.0 service use, enterprises can produce the new business model timely and improving enterprise website’s popularity and utilized degree. 3. To create the innovative e-government service, this research proposed three key elements to change government's service type and performance measurement, including “the information agent”, “relies mainly on family one”, “offers Web2.0 service platform to customer”. 4. This research based on web information providing method and service attribute to defined the nine kinds of service model to transforming the portal service as proactive service type. 5. The research proposed and constructed the “customer first” proactive service theory and integrated the customer relevant information and favor internally to providing many of services proactively. Moreover, based on Myegov portal and e-housekeeper, the research proposed active service transformation items are: 1. Myegov portal should provide Portlet-based shared components, RSS subscribing and exchanging service. 2. Offering the topic type’s Blog service by cross departments; offering general public to define, design their own custom e-housekeeper services through e-government. 3. According to “the family” theme’s concept, government should provide the integrated back-end IT system through the shared service platform actively. 4. Use the data warehouse system to gather the department and people relevant information, and build up the shared database on customer relationship management system to provide the “customer first” proactive service.

從實務面來看，總額支付制度（global budget）的施行絕非僅止於管制成本的手段，還必須觀照該管理的制度設計。畢竟制度不但能夠彙集各種資源，同時也成為資源使用的指標，影響行動者間的策略選項。另外，針對政策實施後的監控與評估檢討，也是修正制度與提升品質的反饋歷程。然而，學界與實務界在總額支付制度設計原則的研究卻十分有限，究其原因，重要的是主要集中於制度在實際的應用與效果，缺乏以一套適用的「方法」（methodology）來審視。誠如Elinor Ostrom所言，「政策分析家的工具箱有各式各樣的工具，但還缺乏一種具體明確的集體行動理論。」，共有資源管理的例子到處都有，但是分析家卻沒有很好的在理論上總結他們。他藉由制度分析與經驗實例，衍生出來的「制度設計原則」（Design principles），研究各種共有資源管理的問題：從不同類型的資源系統如灌溉系統、捕魚等自然資源或網路資源、財政預算等、到公共財制度研究等，都已經獲得豐碩的成果。本文的主要目標，就是在既有的理論基礎上，討論應用制度設計原則來進行「總額預算評估」的可能內容，並提出政策建議與後續研究的可能內容提出建議。 本文主要分為：（一）導論（二）文獻回顧與理論基礎（三）研究設計（四）中醫總額支付制度的演變（伍）中醫總額的自主管理（六）結論。希冀對學界或實務界在健保改革評估未來的發展，能有所啟發與助益。 / From the practice, global budget is not just the means to control cost, must also take the design of management into consideration. The institution not only can gather various kinds of resources, but also become the indexes, and influence the tactics among the persons who take action to select. Since a global budget married to fee-for-service payments directly analogous to a common-pool resources, we use a framework of design principles to explore the difference of outcomes of management, and to discuss the policy implications about institutional design and financial Incentives. Sincere as what Elinor Ostrom said, ' the policy analyst's box has many kinds of tools , but still lack a kind of concrete and clear collective action theory. ', example there are resource management in common everywhere, but it is the getting better to summarize they in theory. In addition, the “self-governing institutions” designed by each local medical association must be flexibly adapted to the context in which it is applied. To foster the cooperation among physicians, the medical associations of local level should also play the role to provide the institutional setting for collective participatory decision making. The medical associations of national level ought to change the financial incentives facing the physicians to induce the rational patterns of medical behavior so that the allocate efficiency of medical resource and effectiveness of global- budget management can be improved.

多層級政府間符合公平效率分工原則為物價穩定及所得重分配的兩項功能由中央政府負責，資源配置則應屬於地方政府的職責。本文研究目的即在探討臺北市教育科學文化支出、經濟發展支出及社會福利支出之財政意涵，亦即是否符合多層級政府職能分工公平效率的原則。 透過臺北市教育科學文化支出、經濟發展支出及社會福利支出趨勢分析及支出內涵的探討，同時藉由迴歸實證分析影響臺北市財政支出結構的主要因素，可以發現： 教育科學文化支出方面，較屬配置面，應由臺北市政府負責，臺北市因師生比降低而使教育支出增加，教育科學文化支出已占歲出的最大項目，符合多層級政府分工原則。 經濟發展支出方面，較屬配置面，應由臺北市政府負責，臺北市因第三級產業比提高而使經濟發展支出增加，但卻因為市府財政狀況及社會福利支出的排擠而減少，占歲出比例目前落居教育科學文化支出及社會福利支出之後，不符合多層級政府分工原則。 最後，在社會福利支出方面，較屬分配面，應由中央政府負責，臺北市因稅課收入增加及執政黨別的影響而使社會福利支出增加，臺北市社會福利支出占歲出比例有逐漸上升的趨勢，為臺北市政府第二大支出項目，不符合多層級政府分工原則。

本論文是在研究西藏自一九五○到二○○八年三月間發生過的反共抗暴所引發並受國際與國際人權組織所觀著之西藏人權問題。文中討論美國、歐盟與國際非政府組織(如，人權觀察(Human Rights Watch)和國際特赦組織 (Amnesty International))如何提出相對的策略來抵制中共對西藏的人權政策，並研究中共在即將舉辨奧運的同時如何面對來自各方的抵制與強大壓力，這些問題也隨著奧運的接近而更加顯著。 也許西方文化與中國文化有所不同而在人權的定義也有著些許的差異，但是這並不構成一個適當的理由來否認聯合國所定義用來參考的世界人權宣言（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）。同時本論文的研究範圍也涵蓋到因西藏宗教、政治、經濟與教育上的不自由而今年三月所引發之抗議示威遊行 ，並討論因中共近年來之掘起而美國與歐盟在此次事件上對中共的影響力與態度，這也許與中共的貿易關係不同而產生的影響力與表達的態度會有所不同。 / 中共雖然受到西方政治與國際非政府組織之強大壓力，可是西藏之人權問題仍然未得到改善，也許中共擔心若給予藏民太多的由自而可能造成更多的混亂，但西方政府與國際非政府組織持續在些問題上觀著，並積極保護西藏之宗教、語言與文化，因而讓中共當局在西藏問題上受到極大之挑戰，也必須注入更多的資源來因應。 / This research project focuses on the Human Rights situation in Tibet under the occupation of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) since the 1950s right up to the present times when popular protests against China in Tibetan areas since March 10 this year has put the issue Tibet right back on the international arena. China’s policy stand on human rights and how it refutes accusations by International NGOs of human rights violations in China and Tibet are examined through case studies of the works and reports of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the current international attention on human rights in the run up to the Olympic Games in Beijing in August, 2008. Contrasting definition of ‘Human Rights’ between China and the west is also examined to suggest that arguments about cultural distinctiveness are no excuse for the denial of the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Case studies of lack of religious freedom and the general discrimination suffered by Tibetans in political, economic and educational spheres suggest why the recent popular Tibetan uprisings have erupted. An examination of the influence of International NGOs on the human rights policies of western governments like the US, France, UK, Germany as well as the EU that constitute China’s largest trading partners, show considerable influence and impact through their reports and monitoring of violations of human rights by China. / By adopting a judicious mix of the two approaches of ‘silent constructive engagement’ as well as direct, confrontational ‘naming and shaming’ of individual instances of human rights abuses and violations, the International NGOs and western trading partners of China have achieved incremental success in forcing China to make changes to its human rights policies. Despite the enormous international pressure from International NGOs and western Governments, the leadership of the Communist Party that effectively runs China, is found to be extremely uncooperative in terms of improving human rights in China or Tibet where the current spate of protests have reaffirmed their abiding fear that allowing more freedom and rights to the people could risk a challenge to the supremacy of the Party in continuing to run the PRC and leading it into the 21st century as the undisputed global power. This makes it obvious that International NGOs campaigning for human rights in China and Tibet in particular will continue especially in light of China’s policy of assimilation of minority nationalities like the Tibetans and the Uighurs and the destruction of their distinct national, cultural and religious identity.

本文所稱之「自律公約」，係指經濟上、實質上之自律公約，意指事業間相互約束經濟活動，從事正當競爭之自律公約，如不涉競爭參數，僅係單純之道德呼籲，則非本文所討論之自律公約。符合上開要件，縱不名為「自律公約」，也為本文所討論之對象。 　　近年台灣社會邁向管制開放，同時公平交易委員會功能是否發揮預期功能，相關討論為數不少。競爭的基本理念是相信市場有自我治癒之功能，如果市場有自我治癒的能力，政府是否還有積極介入之必要？如果市場功能不彰，政府究竟應採取逕行介入之思考，或培養市場自我治癒之能力？如果市場自我治癒之功能彰顯，相對而言，政府行政任務即相對減輕，亦減少政府過多之干預。因此本文希望藉由文獻分析方式，參酌外國立法例、分析事業遵循自律公約之誘因，以提高自律公約之可行性，並期將來能建立自律公約制度，由事業自行負起監督之責，使公平交易委員會之行政任務得以簡輕，使事業不為不公平競爭，達到促進競爭之目的。 / This thesis focus on the topic of self-regulation issues in competition law. By observing Germany, Japan and US how to carry out self-regulation , we can know the value of self-regulation. This article also discuss whether self-regulation agaist Competition Law. In pursuit of successful self-regulation , it’s necessary to know what’s industry’s incentive to obey slef-regulation and self-regulation how to work smooth. Successful self-regulation can ease the burden of government and improve the effect of market, so it’s expected self-regulation comes ture.

台灣地區工業區開發已近50年，民國84年中央工業主管機關不再開發工業區，由地方政府與興辦工業人接續為工業區開發主流。就工業區開發資料顯示，有興辦工業人開發大型工業區不易，及開發商不易尋找之情況，前者乃取得完整大面積土地困難，為開發主體問題，後者乃在政府開發工業區未編列預算所致，為開發模式問題，因此本文認為「編定工業區開發模式」課題，有研究之必要。 　　本研究宗旨就工業區開發模式中資金籌措為主題，以工業區開發規劃至開發完成之過程為軸線，經由(一)市場與政府理論，論證工業區開發主體及數量變化。(二)對不同開發主體在開發過程中，所產生交易成本、代理成本、衝突成本異同討論。(三)對開發模式之交易成本等相關文獻、法制面、實務面、分析研究，以及對實際參與工業區開發人士進行深入訪談，發覺工業區開發困境所在。 經研究認為地方政府擁有公權力及行政資源，所開發工業區交易成本最低，為編定工業區開發最佳模式，爰此本研究建議編定工業區開發必須搭配以下措施：(一)政府編列預算。(二)公私統包開發。(三)引進不動產估價師制度。(四)引進銀行融資制度。(五)工業區銷售採預售制度。 　　透過上述工業區開發配套措施，除有益於開發商參與工業區開發，及減少民眾抗爭之衝突成本，使得開發順利外，尚可降低搜尋成本、協商成本，及時間成本等，達成降低編定工業區開發交易成本之目的，提昇工業區開發之效率。 / The development of industrial sites in Taiwan has been carried out continuously for nearly 50 years. In 1995, the central government made a decision that they no longer played an active role in developing industrial sites, and thereafter, the task was taken over by local governments as well as host industrialists. The literature that recorded such development shows that some host industrialists encountered difficulty in developing large-scale industrial sites, and also it was difficult to find developers. The problem of the former was caused by the difficulty in looking for large area of land, which was a problem of development entity, and the problem of the latter was caused by no budget arranged by the government, which was a problem of development mode. Thus, in this text, it is considered that a study on “the Development Mode of Projected Industrial Sites” has become essential. The purpose of this study is to explore the subject of fund raising in the process of industrial site development, from the stage of its planning up to its accomplishment, which goes through (1) the theory of market and government: to discuss and verify entity and quantity variation in industrial site development. (2) the discussion about similarities and dissimilarities in transaction cost, agent cost, and conflict cost emerging in the process of development. (3) the analysis and research of transaction cost of development mode through relative literature, legal aspect, and practical aspect, as well as interviewing personnel who took take part in the actual development of industrial sites in order to find out potential problems. As a result of research, it is deemed that the transaction cost in developing industrial sites is lowest when executed by a local government as it holds civic rights and administrative resources, so that turns out to be the best mode in projected industrial site development. It is therefore proposed in this study that when developing projected industrial sites, following measures should be taken: (1) budget planned by the government (2) execution of consolidated development contract for both public and private projects (3) introduction of real estate appraiser system (4) introduction of bank loan system (5) adoption of advance booking for selling and purchasing premises in industrial sites. By taking above supplementary measures for developing industrial sites, the benefits include encouraging developers’ involvement in developing industrial sites, reducing conflict cost arose by mob protest so as to facilitate development process, and further lowering searching cost, negotiation cost, time cost etc. As a result, the purpose of reducing transaction cost of developing projected industrial sites can be achieved, and the efficiency of such development can be elevated.

本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

履約保證金為政府採購契約重要的擔保工具，依據現行政府採購法規範，履約保證金繳納方式包括：現金、金融機構簽發之本票或支票、保付支票、郵政匯票、無記名政府公債、設定質權之金融機構定期存款單、銀行開發或保兌之不可撤銷擔保信用狀、銀行之書面連帶保證及保險公司連帶保證保險單等。由於這些不同的繳納方式，分別涉及不同的法律規範層面，在制度設計上是否可以達到以履約保證金為上位概念之等值擔保？而實務運作中如何有效減少履約保證金所衍生之採購爭議？委實有深入研究之必要。 / 為能對政府採購履約保證金有較為完整之了解，本論文首先將參考前稽察條例、現行政府採購法規、主管機關解釋函令等，並配合實務見解及學說文獻資料的整理，分別從履約保證金之制度沿革、規範內容、擔保功能及法律性質等面向進行討論；其次，則經由搜集法院實務中有關履約保證金所衍生之爭議案例，嘗試將爭議問題類型化並分別進行問題探討，藉以釐清履約保證金不同繳納方式在實務運作上的差異，期能達成整合各項擔保工具等值性之研究目的。此外，有鑑於目前保證保險在國內政府採購領域窒礙難行之困境，本文亦將採比較法的角度，另以專章討論美國政府採購履約擔保制度中，有關保證狀（surety bond）的使用情形，藉以提供國內保證保險比較的基礎，以期有助於健全國內履約保證金制度的發展與運作。