A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República. / The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

La campagne pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012 a été marquée par le rôle majeur joué par Internet pour s’informer, débattre en ligne, mobiliser ou organiser l’action militante sur le terrain. Ce recours au numérique invite à questionner, sous un nouveau jour, des thématiques centrales de l’étude des partis politiques et à contribuer ainsi au débat sur les transformations partisanes, au niveau de l’organisation, mais aussi des acteurs qui s’y insèrent et l’utilisent. Cette étude comparative interroge les processus de recrutement des membres des équipes de campagne, les relations entre médias et professionnels de la communication politique, ainsi que les évolutions du militantisme. / The 2012 French presidential campaign was marked by the Internet's prominent role in providing information, debating on-line, mobilizing, and organizing activists in the field. This turn to digital tools allows for a reexamination of central themes in the study of political parties, thereby contributing to the debate on party transformations in terms of organization as well as actors who get involved and use the tools. This comparative study examines the recruitment of campaign team members, relations between the media and political communications professionals, as well as changes in political activism.

為瞭解地方縣市長選舉期間，候選人所爭相開立之競選支票對於地方經濟的影響，本研究將過去僅以中央政府為研究對象的政治景氣循環理論延伸至地方層級，期能藉此彌補相關文獻僅考量政治層面的不足。而關於政治景氣循環理論自Nordhaus(1970)正式提出至今，較具爭議之實證結果分歧的部分，本研究試圖以「執政者操控經濟之能力」的差異予以解釋。 另一方面，基於地方政府彼此間的競爭性，地方層級之政治景氣循環現象對於地方經濟的影響，應有別於中央層級。本研究遂以此現象對房地產價格之影響為焦點，藉以瞭解當政治景氣循環現象可能因執政者操控能力之有無而不必然出現時，各地方之經濟狀況是否將因此而有所差異。 經由理論模型之探討，以及蒐集台灣地區民國74年至87年各縣市之相關年資料以進行實證分析之後，本研究得到下列結論： 1. 就本研究的實證資料而言，我國地方層級存在政治景氣循環現象；而執政者為達成其連任目的而於選前採取擴張政策時，將同時考量其財政自主程度，顯示執政者之操控能力對於政治景氣循環現象的發生有相當的影響。 2. 地方層級之政治景氣循環現象，將伴隨房地產價格的過度資本化，而使房地產價格有相對上較高的傾向；由台灣地區相關資料所得之實證結果亦是如此。由此，可推論此一現象對於地方經濟發展有相當影響。 3. 由於政治景氣循環現象的存在，使得都市發展程度較高、財政自主程度較高的縣市，其房地產價格偏高的現象，似乎是現今民主政治制度下一種難以避免的趨勢。 4. 地方政府贏得選舉的動機，應是中央政府制訂相關政策目標或策略時所不容忽略的，特別是那些須經由地方政府所執行者，如促進區域均衡、促進城鄉發展之策略等。 此外，基於研究結果與限制，關於如何改善在總體經濟變數、政府支出等方面因政治景氣循環現象所引發之人為波動，乃是未來值得進一步探究之課題。或是突破資料之限制，改以季資料或月資料進行實證分析，應能使研究成果更為清晰。再者，關於中央政府對於地方政府行為的影響，亦可為後續研究方向。 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機與目的 1 第二節 研究方法 4 第三節 研究範圍 5 第四節 研究限制 5 第五節 研究流程 8 第二章 文獻回顧 9 第三章 理論模型 15 第一節 政治景氣循環理論之討論 15 第二節 結合政治景氣循環理論之資本化模型 17 第四章 地方層級政治景氣循環現象探討與實證分析 22 第一節 地方政府操控經濟之誘因與工具 22 第二節 地方政府執政者操控能力之差異 30 第三節 實證分析 36 第四節 小結 49 第五章 地方層級政治景氣循環現象對房地產價格之影響實證分析 51 第一節 各縣市房地產價格概況分析 51 第二節 實證分析 62 第三章 小結 70 第六章 綜合分析與檢討 72 第一節 中央補助款角色之探討 72 第二節 地方層級之政治景氣循環現象與區域均衡發展 74 第三節 實證資料之限制 76 第七章 結論 78 第一節 結論 78 第二節 後續研究方向 80 參考文獻 82 附錄 92 表目錄 表4-1：選民的政黨偏好與改變，1983-1992 23 表4-2：第十屆至第十三屆縣市長選舉當選人名單與得票率 25 表4-3：第十二屆至第十四屆縣市議會之多數黨及該黨籍議員比例 31 表4-4：各縣市之自有財源比例 33 表4-5：各縣市自有財源比例之ANOVA分析結果 35 表4-6：實證資料來源 39 表4-7：選舉循環之虛擬變數設計 40 表4-8：平均每人歲出之選舉循環估計結果 43 表4-9：每年新闢與維護之道路面積之選舉循環估計結果 45 表4-10：地價稅收之選舉循環估計結果 47 表5-1：各縣市房地產報酬率之ANOVA分析結果 57 表5-2：變數定義與資料來源說明 65 表5-3：OLS估計結果 68 表5-4：Parks法估計之結果 69 表a-1：「平均每人歲出」迴歸分析之基本統計量 92 表a-2：「每年新闢與維護之道路面積」迴歸分析之基本統計量 93 表a-3：「地價稅收」迴歸分析之基本統計量 94 表a-4：「房地產報酬率」迴歸分析之基本統計量 95 圖目錄 圖1-1：研究流程圖 8 圖5-1：北部區域縣市之歷年平均區段地價 52 圖5-2：中部區域縣市之歷年平均區段地價 53 圖5-3：南部區域縣市之歷年平均區段地價 54 圖5-4：東部區域縣市之歷年平均區段地價 55 圖5-5：北部區域縣市歷年之房地產報酬率 58 圖5-6：中部區域縣市歷年之房地產報酬率 59 圖5-7：南部區域縣市歷年之房地產報酬率 60 圖5-8：東部區域縣市歷年之房地產報酬率 61

過去由於我國立法委員選舉所採用的「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」，常造成選風敗壞、偏激取向、派系政治等諸多負面影響。有鑑於此，立法院於2004年8月23日通過「席次減半」及「單一選區兩票制」的修憲案，並於2005年6月7日經國民大會複決通過，自第七屆開始，立法委員任期改為4年，席次減半為113人。2008年1月12日第七屆立法委員選舉首次實施「單一選區兩票制」，而本文將檢視此次立委選舉結果相關資料，探討選制改變後對我國政黨體系之影響，並從過去的理論評析與實際運作層面相互驗證，探討理論與實務之間異同，及其可能之影響因素，然而，由於僅是一次實施的結果，因此相關後續發展仍須持續觀察。 / In the past, our national elections of members of Legislative Yuan adopted “multi-member-district, single non-transferable vote.” It usually caused negative influences such as deterioration of election, extreme trends, and faction politics. Therefore, Legislative Yuan passed constitution-amending bills “seats reduction in half” and “single-district two votes system” on August 23rd, 2004. These bills were passed by National Assembly on June 7th, 2005. The term of service for the seventh legislators was prolonged into four years and the seats were reduced in half to 113 seats. The seventh legislator election adopted “single-district two votes system” for the first time on January 12th, 2008. The essay will survey information related to the outcome of the legislator election, discussing the influence of changing election systems on the systems of political parties. Through the mutual demonstration between past theory criticism and practical operation, it discusses common and different points between theories and practices and finds out possible influential elements. However, it is just the outcome of single practice so it’s following development requires constant observations.

Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.

本論文從轉型理論與大眾動員理論來探討蒙古與台灣在民主轉型時期其影響選舉制度與憲政制度的因素。其中，將選舉制度進一步區分為總統選舉制度和國會選舉制度，以了解政治菁英間的互動與社會運動此兩個自變項的影響力。在民主鞏固時期，本論文則聚焦在影響兩國採取不同憲政體制的因素，欲探討政治菁英改革的動機與當時政治脈絡如何促使蒙古採用總理總統制，如何使得台灣採用總統議會制。此外，社會運動對當時政治菁英是否亦發揮一定程度的作用，是否提升或阻礙憲政的改革，亦是本研究探討重點之一。 本研究指出兩國在民主轉型時期，既有統治菁英在民主改革的壓力下，開始與反對運動菁英協商，既有的政治菁英有較大的決定權。政治菁英之間的互動是政治改革的重要推進力量，而下面的大衆抗議社會運動則提供了這些菁英之間達成協商的條件，其導致憲政改革或選舉制度改革。在憲政制度上，除了既有憲政遺緒與政治文化外，政治菁英間的不同偏好，亦影響兩國憲政體制的發展。在蒙古，制度的遺續應使得憲政體制傾向於總統制，但大多數菁英偏好權力較為分散的議會制，在政治協商下，最後促成半總統制的施行。在台灣，保守派政治菁英與改革派政治菁英的互動促成半總統制的影響，不過，也存在相關程度上的社會運動間接影響。 在民主鞏固時期台灣和蒙古皆是由政治菁英主導修憲，其中政治菁英間的互動主要影響憲政體制的設計，取得總統職位的民進黨和掌握立法院多數的國民黨政治菁英間的互動因素使得台灣偏向總統議會制，而掌握國會多數的民主黨和反對勢力人革黨政治菁英互動使得蒙古採用總理總統制。然而，公民社會對憲政體制設計並沒有直接的影響，但兩國的公民社會對於新生民主體制的鞏固扮演著重要角色。 綜言之，本研究所論有關政治菁英的互動與公民社會回顧如何影響選舉制度與憲政制度的設計，由於蒙古和台灣的經驗來看，大抵可了解政治菁英的改革動機與社會運動的壓力，是特定選舉制度與憲政制度被建立的重要關鍵。 / In this dissertation, the theory of transition and mass mobilization trying to explore different factors between Mongolia and Taiwan in the period of democratic transition and its impact on the electoral system and constitutional system. The electoral system will be further divided into presidential and parliamentary, to understand the interaction of political elites, the social movements, and their influence on the electoral and constitutional systems. Then, this dissertation will focus on the factors of democratic consolidation, affecting Mongolia and Taiwan to develop into a different constitutional system, the political elite reform motivation and how the political context promoted the premier-presidentialism in Mongolia, and how Taiwan acquired the president-parliamentarism. Moreover, to understand whether social movements played a certain degree of influence on the political elites, or whether they enhanced or hindered the constitutional reform is also one of the priorities of this investigation research. The dissertation also pointed out the ruling elite under the pressure of democratic reform, when they began negotiations with the opposition movement elites, they had greater discretion. The interaction among the political elite was an important force to promote political reform, and the following Mongolia public protest social movement created the conditions to reach consensus among these elites, which led to constitutional reforms or the reform of electoral systems. On the constitutional system, in addition to the existing constitutional legacy of the political culture, the different preferences among the political elites, but also affect the development of the two countries constitutional system. In Mongolia, institutional legacy made constitutional system tend to presidentialism, however most of the political elites prefer a more decentralized parliamentary system, in political consultations finally led to the implementation of semi-presidentialism. In Taiwan, the interaction with the conservative and the reformist political elite contributed to the impact of semi-presidentialism, however, there are indirect effects on the relevance of social movements either. The period of democratic consolidation in Taiwan and Mongolia was dominated by the political elites on constitutional system, the interaction among the political elites mainly affected the establishment of the constitutional system. The DPP won the presidency and the KMT the parliamentary majority, and the interaction of these political elites tend to shape Taiwan’s president-parliamentarism. In Mongolia, the Democratic Party political elite, with parliamentary majority, and the opposition MPRP political elite interaction evolved to premier-presidentialism. Although civil society had no direct impact on the constitutional system establishment, however, the development of civil society in Taiwan and Mongolia played an important role to consolidate the nascent democratic institutions. In conclusion, from Mongolian and Taiwan experience, we can understand that the motivation for the reforms of the political elite and the social movement pressure are the key for a particular electoral and constitutional system to be established.

This thesis provides a detailed account of the introduction, use, and repeal of the alternative vote (AV) in British Columbia in the 1950s. It argues that British Columbians, familiar with polarized, two-party politics, were dismissive of majority representation. Conversely, the public expressed a strong preference for local representation during discussions of redistribution. While the Liberal and Conservative Coalition parties introduced AV to keep the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation from forming a government, party members were often stronger proponents of electoral reform than their leaders. Nevertheless, the system was debated in terms of democratic values. This was true of electoral reform debates across Canada, including federal debates on proportional representation. Contrary to histories that focus solely on the 1952 and 1953 AV elections and W.A.C. Bennett and Social Credit, this project traces the origins of the alternative vote in BC from the 1940s forward, including ongoing discussions of the single transferable vote (STV) and a points system. The history of BC’s provincial party system in the twentieth century is included in order to establish how polarized politics affected British Columbians’ attachment to the idea of local representation. This thesis contends that the public’s preference for plurality voting contributed to its dismissal of AV: even those who ranked multiple candidates did not necessarily endorse the system. This project also looks at the alternative vote debates in the 1970s and redistribution commissions in BC, particularly the 1978 Eckardt Commission, in order to better understand British Columbians’ attachment to local representation and first-past-the-post, and their dismissal of a preferential system that encouraged them to rank candidates. Social Credit favoured regional representation over representation by population during the redistribution process, and the theme of local representation has consistently framed discussions of electoral reform in British Columbia, including the 2004 BC Citizens’ Assembly’s STV proposal.

Esta tesis investiga la economía política de las transferencias intergubernamentales. Se centra en los factores políticos que determinan la asignación de fondos bajo control de gobiernos centrales a las diversas regiones. El primer capítulo, contribuye a este asunto a través de un nuevo análisis de los datos del panel y una medida comprensiva de necesidades de gastos para el caso de Rusia. El segundo capítulo, desarrolla nuevas herramientas metodológicas para analizar sistemas políticos del multi-partido. Estas herramientas permiten medir a votantes cambiantes en dos dimensiones ideológicas usando datos individuales de los estudios electorales. En el tercer capítulo se utilizan las medidas de votantes cambiantes para probar teorías de las políticas distributivas para el caso de España. Este capítulo demuestra que las variables políticas son significativas en la asignación de las subvenciones del estado, y la magnitud del efecto es comparable a la de variables económicas. / This thesis investigates the political economy view of intergovernmental grants. It centers on the political factors that determine allocation of funds under the control of central governments to different regions. The first chapter contributes to this topic by a novel analysis of panel data and a comprehensive measure of expenditure "needs" for the case of Russia. The second chapter develops new methodological tools for analyzing multi-party political systems. These tools allow to measure swing voters on two "ideological" dimensions using individual survey data. In the third chapter the measures of swing voters are used to test theories of distributive politics for the case of Spain. This chapter shows that political variables are significant in the allocation of state subventions, and the magnitude of the effect is comparable to that of economic variables.

The impact of the law on the lives of homeless people in Queensland has, to date, remained largely unexplored by legal academics and researchers. This is despite the fact that homeless people experience a number of legal difficulties that seriously affect their lives. This thesis by published papers aims to make a significant and original contribution to filling this gap in the research evidence by presenting the results of analyses of the legal, theoretical and practical issues that arise in the context of homeless persons' interactions with the legal system in Queensland. Most notably, it is comprised of three pieces of empirical research which identify those areas of law that impact most on homeless people in Queensland and explore the consequences of the operation of these laws on their lives. In sum, this thesis examines the extent of the law's influence on the lives of homeless people in Queensland, and finds that the consequences of the law's operation on homeless people in Queensland are serious. The thesis first examines the effect on Queensland's homeless people of laws which regulate behaviour conducted in public space. The criminal offences of vagrancy, begging and public nuisance are analysed; their historical origins, the reasons for their retention on modern statute books, and arguments in favour of their repeal are discussed. The impact of 'public space law' on homeless people in Queensland is also explored through a survey of 30 homeless people residing in inner-city Brisbane. This part of the thesis concludes that public space law in Queensland results in breaches of homeless persons' human rights, as well as the contravention of rule of law principles. The thesis then explores the impact of the law on homeless persons' experiences of citizenship. Empirical research and theoretical analysis demonstrate that the application of various laws, particularly public space laws, social security laws and electoral laws, encroaches on homeless persons' citizenship rights. The thesis then reports on the results of a unique survey of Queensland's homelessness service providers. This survey is the most extensive piece of empirical research ever conducted on the extent to which various laws impact on homeless people. Respondents were asked to indicate which areas of law impact most adversely on their homeless clients. Based on the research findings outlined above, the hypothesis was that criminal law issues, particularly public space offences, would be proven to impact particularly adversely on homeless people in Queensland. Somewhat unexpectedly, the findings of the survey indicated that fines law, debt law and family law difficulties are those legal difficulties most often encountered by homeless people in Queensland. Difficulties produced by criminal laws, social security laws and electoral laws, while still generally relevant, rated less highly. However, the survey did demonstrate that experiences differ between sub-groups within the homeless population, for example Indigenous homeless people were reported to be most affected by criminal law issues, while young homeless people were reported to be most affected by social security law issues. Together, the five papers which comprise this thesis make an original and substantial contribution to knowledge by identifying empirically for the first time the various laws that have a significant impact on the lives of homeless people in Queensland, and analysing the consequences of this in terms of their effect on homeless persons' citizenship rights, human rights and rule of law entitlements.

FERNANDES, Kamila Bossato. E por falar em política... : marcas de narrativas midiáticas sobre política em conversas na Praça do Ferreira . 2010. 189f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-29T11:30:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_KBFERNANDES.pdf: 1439837 bytes, checksum: ac1bf8861d22641fd1fd9146264c3392 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-29T15:07:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_KBFERNANDES.pdf: 1439837 bytes, checksum: ac1bf8861d22641fd1fd9146264c3392 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-29T15:07:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_KBFERNANDES.pdf: 1439837 bytes, checksum: ac1bf8861d22641fd1fd9146264c3392 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / For nearly three months in the second half of 2008, the researcher followed members of a conversation group in Praça do Ferreira, in downtown Fortaleza, to try to understand how each one form their opinions on policy just on the eve of an election. The study focused on the consumption of media products about politics, especially the Horário Eleitoral Gratuito (time free elections), to see how such material was accepted and reinterpreted by the band members. The approach was ethnographic, to capture spontaneous conversations of individuals, and then submit them to the techniques of Conversation Analysis and Discourse Analysis. Unlike studies of media reception, which are promoted, often, focus groups or interviews, in this case sought to emphasize the everyday speech, with minimal intervention, to understanding, on the recurrence of discursive strategies, as some reviews are crystallized, from the structure of the group. To understand this object and its results were used concepts of contemporary authors who have wrote about everyday actions, such as Pierre Bourdieu, with the ideas of social space and habitus, Erving Goffman, the social interaction, situation and face, and Harold Garfinkel, with his proposal of reflexivity, key of ethnomethodology. It was resumed the increasing awareness of the growing presence of media in society with power but with limitations, a relationship that remains to be investigated to be changing too in society. Among the conclusions of this research is that exposure of the views not only gives a clear logical argument, but also contradictions, often used as a strategy to maintain group cohesion and the conversation lively. Elements of media policy are widely used as a starting point for talks, but not always with the guidelines suggested by the producers apparently. There is a subversive action, that is understandable by the use of memory, as other media events as experienced by each individual, and which serve to give a real effect of truth to the opinions. The Horário Eleitoral Gratuito is the main source of topics of conversation about politics, but not in isolation, there is a strong dialogue between that campaign events with previous campaigns, which creates its own logic and arguments beyond the control of producers of political marketing. / Durante quase três meses, no segundo semestre de 2008, a pesquisadora acompanhou integrantes de um grupo de conversação da praça do Ferreira, no Centro de Fortaleza, para buscar compreender como cada um forma suas opiniões sobre política justamente às vésperas de uma eleição. O estudo tomou como base o consumo de produtos midiáticos ou midiatizados sobre a política, sobretudo o Horário Eleitoral Gratuito, para perceber de que forma esses conteúdos eram apropriados e ressignificados pelos integrantes do grupo. A abordagem foi etnográfica, para que fossem captadas conversas espontâneas dos indivíduos, para depois submetê-las às técnicas da Análise da Conversação e da Análise do Discurso. Diferentemente de estudos de recepção midiática, em que são promovidos, geralmente, grupos focais ou entrevistas, neste caso buscou-se dar ênfase à fala cotidiana mais rotineira, com a mínima intervenção, para se perceber, na recorrência das estratégias discursivas, como certas opiniões vão se cristalizando, a partir também da própria estrutura do grupo. Para a compreensão deste objeto e de seus resultados, foram usados conceitos de autores contemporâneos que trataram das ações cotidianas, como Pierre Bourdieu, com as ideias de espaço social e habitus, Erving Goffman, com o de interação social, situação e face, e Harold Garfinkel, com sua proposta de reflexividade, chave da etnometodologia. Também foi retomada a percepção cada vez mais crescente da presença dos media na sociedade, com poderes mas também com limitações, numa relação que ainda precisa ser recorrentemente pesquisada por seguir em franca transformação na sociedade. Entre as conclusões desta pesquisa, está a de que a exposição das opiniões não se dá só por uma argumentação lógica evidente, mas também por contradições, utilizadas muitas vezes como estratégia para manter a coesão do grupo e a própria conversação viva. Elementos midiáticos sobre política são largamente usados como ponto de partida para conversas, mas nem sempre com o enquadramento aparentemente sugerido pelos produtores; há uma ação subversiva, que se torna compreensível pelo recurso à memória, tanto de outros fatos midiáticos como de ações vividas por cada indivíduo, e que servem para dar um tom de verdade à opinião emitida. O Horário Eleitoral Gratuito, nesse ponto, é a principal fonte de assuntos das conversas sobre política, mas não isoladamente; há um forte diálogo dos acontecimentos dessa campanha municipal com campanhas anteriores, o que cria uma lógica própria e argumentos que fogem do controle dos produtores do marketing político.