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公眾外交在國際社會上逐漸受到重視，特別是在美國911恐怖攻擊事件之後。公眾外交的作用在於還原幾經扭曲的事情本質，為國家建立良好形象，也可以說是透過與他國國民溝通與交流，促進雙方在文化上與價值觀上的理解，進而達到外交上的預設目標，獲取更大的國家利益。 過去對於日本與東南亞地區的研究多以雙邊的傳統外交、經貿關係，或是政府開發援助為主，對於日本對東南亞國家所推行的公眾外交內容顯少著墨。因此，本研究從文化交流的角度切入，以日本公眾外交的主要機關「國際交流基金」為主體，泰國與越南為兩大研究個案，解構日本的文化藝術交流與日本研究及知識交流在兩國推廣的難易度與施行方針的異同。 日本文化有其封閉性，在海外推廣實屬不易。本研究發現不論在文化藝術交流或是日本研究推行上，泰國因為與日本建交時間早，長年維持穩定的往來，且在未受他國文化洗禮之下，泰國人民對於日本文化採取開放接受的態度，使得日本文化交流在泰國的推廣較順利。相對於此，日本與越南建交時間晚，國際交流基金在越南的文化交流中心也是東南亞地區當中最慢成立的據點，雙方交流時間較短，加上越南已先受到韓國文化的影響，日本文化交流推廣上遇有瓶頸，相對不易。國際交流基金推廣文化交流有其既定的順序，故施行方針並無產生因國而異的現象。

「開放政府資料」在概念上將資料處理以及網際網路傳輸的概念應用到政府治理，以符合開放標準之要求釋出政府資料，提升政府資料使用效率並加速行政革新，有效提升人民生活品質並促進社會經濟發展，讓施政透明度、公眾參與以及國家可課責性之訴求能夠確實實踐並賦予新的內涵。 開放政府資料最初源自於各式民間社群之倡議，隨著時間演進各國政府也紛紛將此概念納入國家政策將其提升至國家施政目標。美國和英國為目前開放政府資料政策實踐最成熟的先驅國家，為各國政府研擬相關政策的效仿對象，其他後起之秀有加拿大與澳洲，台灣也自2012年後開始推動相關政策。從各國政策實踐經驗中可以發現，開放政府資料在政策實踐上必須考量政府資料盤點、平台網站架設、資料格式、資料授權、是否收費以及其他政策推行時政府機關內部的溝通協調以及外部推廣時的各式議題。 本文針對其中授權議題，採用文獻蒐集暨文獻比較法，將目前各國政府實施開放政府資料所採用較具有代表性之開放政府資料授權條款或使用規則，像是創用CC授權條款中的CC-BY以及CC-BY-SA、ODbL、英國OGL、加拿大OGL、法國Licence ouverte以及挪威NLOD進行條款要件之比較與綜合分析，發現目前開放政府資料授權實務廣泛將公眾授權條款之概念應用在政府資料授權釋出，惟政府資料種類繁雜，在使用上亦受到既有法律與行政規則之箝制，使得目前民間社群發展之授權條款無法全盤規範政府資料釋出，而採用各國政府自行制定的使用規則雖然得有效配合當地法制達到因地制宜之效，但條款內容難以統一，使得採用不同條款釋出政府資料進行再次改作將產生條款相容性之隱憂。 考量開放政府資料的訴求為強調任何人對於資料使用不應受任何限制，本文建議政府機關實施政府資料授權時，應以開放為原則並盡量減少資料使用之限制。就目前授權實務現況觀之，得透過條款設計、建立國際標準以及跨國地區整合之方式提升各國授權條款或使用規則之間的相容性，降低政府資料使用潛在限制。若採用民間社群制定之公眾授權條款進行政府資料釋出者，應建立相關配套措施使授權條款規定得有效與國家政府運作流程結合，讓授權條款的運作機制得在政策執行中確實實踐。 / "Open Government Data" is associated with using data processing, Internet transmission and open standards to release government information. It is believed by many that a good open-data policy can help the government to improve the efficiency of governance, to accelerate administrative reform, to enhance living quality, and to promote social and economic development. The idea of open data may also benefit government transparency, public participation and accountability. The wave of Open Government Data was originally started from a number of online communities. Now the concept of Open Government Data has been accepted as national policies in the global scale. The U.S. government and the U.K. government have been probably the most important pioneers in promoting open government data policies. Other countries like Canada and Australia also follow the trend to make their own Open Government Data policies. Taiwan government has put the idea of Open Government Data into practice since 2012. Policy considerations for Open Government Data concern different issues, such as the classification of open government data, Web platform operating, data format, licensing, charging standard, the coordination between agencies and policy promotion. The study focuses on the licensing perspective of open government data. This study compares and analyzes the most representative license clauses and terms of use, such as CC-BY, CC-BY-SA, ODbL, UK Open Government License, Canada Open Government License, France Open license and Norwegian License for Open Government Data. Owing to the variety of government information, not all of the government information are protected by copyright law and other related laws. In addition, there are other factor restricted the use of government information. Such regulatory limitations are occasionally conflicting with policy goals of open government data. Other issues, such as licensing compatibility may trouble government agencies to implement the open data policy. The principles of open government data emphasize that government data should be available to anyone to access, re-use and redistribution, so the use of such data should not impose any restrictions. This study argues that licensing open government data should minimize the use of restricted data as much as possible. Considering the status quo of licensing open government data, the adjustment of structure of licensing clauses, establishing international standards and cross-nation cooperation may be the possible ways to solve the incompatibility problem mentioned previously. Moreover, governments should establish relevant supporting measures so that the licensing mechanism can smoothly fits in the legal system and successfully achieve the original policy goals.

要設計一場具影響力的公眾演說，演講者不能忽略演講情境的存在；要了解演講者如何進行演講設計，就須從其面臨之情境著手。過往以公眾演講為研究主題的文獻與坊間書籍，多聚焦於演講者如何運用演說技巧，或分析知名演講者進行演講時所使用的特定規則及方法，雖可窺探演講者如何進行演說設計，但對於情境的存在鮮少論及，亦無法真正擷取演講者為何如此規畫的原由。再者，演講之中的情境來自於四面八方，發掘演講者如何篩選及妥適運用情境，才是對於想要培養及建立公眾演講技巧者的最佳學習途徑。因此，本研究與六名TEDxTaipei演講者進行深度訪談，從演講者觀點出發，分析演講者感知哪些情境、並如何因應情境設計演講內容。 / To design a powerful public speech, a speaker cannot neglect the existence of speech contexts. To understand how a speaker designs his/her speech, we should first look at the context that the speaker faces. The majority of the literature reviews and books tend to focus on the public speaking skills of the speaker or analyze specific rules or methods adopted by famous speakers. Although this offers a glimpse into how speakers design their speeches, it seldom discusses the existence of speech contexts, nor is it able to pinpoint the reasons why a speaker takes a certain approach. Furthermore, since speech contexts vary in different places, guiding speakers how to select and make use of contexts is the best teaching approach. Therefore, this study conducted in-depth interviews with six speakers from TEDxTaipei in order to analyze what context they are aware of and how they design their speeches based on such context.

Social networking sites (SNSs) nowadays serve as important platforms for users to engage in public affairs. This study applied the O-S-O-R model to examine the relationship between Facebook and public participation in science and the mediating role of users’ scientific knowledge and self-efficacy. Besides, this study examined the relationship mentioned above by utilizing data collected from two different populations - the general public and the users of the Facebook fan page “Pansci.com,” the biggest scientific online group in Taiwan. Based on a total sample size of 1,960, the result showed that scientific use of Facebook increased scientific knowledge only for “Pansci.com” users. Besides, scientific use of Facebook is positively associated with self-efficacy and public participation in science in both samples. It is noteworthy that the effect of scientific use of Facebook on self-efficacy is stronger for “Pansci.com” users but the effect of self-efficacy on public participation in science is stronger for general users. In addition, self-efficacy serves as a significant mediator in the relationship between scientific use of Facebook and public participation in science in both samples.

侵害名譽權民事事件涉及名譽權與言論自由之衝突，二者均係受憲法保障之基本權，究應如何調和方屬妥當？就此，立法者於我國刑法設有第310條第3項前段「真實不罰」之規定、第311條「善意適當評論」之規定，其次，釋字第509號解釋以合憲性解釋創設之「合理查證」，係大法官就平衡名譽權與言論自由之保障所劃定之憲法要求。 前揭刑法規定與釋字第509號解釋於民事侵權行為法制下應如何適用？本論文以我國民法第184條第1項前段侵權行為之損害賠償請求權為基礎，探討侵害名譽權之民事侵權責任之實體要件如何定性、程序上其舉證責任如何分配，以及舉證責任減輕之必要與方式、訴訟上具體舉證活動之操作等相關議題。 由於此議題涉及憲法、民事實體法及民事程序法等領域，本論文整理並歸納目前國內該等領域之相關學說見解外，另參考美國誹謗法上著名之真實惡意原則等相關判決先例後，嘗試提出侵害名譽權民事事件之實體要件定位暨其舉證責任分配之一般原則、及類型化舉證責任減輕架構之建置。此外，本論文觀察我國實務判決，研究分析法院就該等議題之見解發展，與更進一步者，即具體訴訟法中法院係如何進行相關之舉證活動與證據認定。希冀能為侵害名譽權之民事事件提供兼顧法律安定性及個案正義，同時平衡名譽權與言論自由之保障之法制建置。

在全球WLAN產業發展迅速的現在，如何能將PWLAN服務快速地商業化，是目前推展WLAN產業最重要的一項課題。目前PWLAN產業尚未建立明確的產業規則，其價值鏈與價值活動都仍在渾沌未明、不斷變動的狀態中，PWLAN業者同時從事多個相關的價值活動的情況相當常見，整體產業動態非常模糊。 在2003年時，已有超過全球80％比例的WLAN硬體設備是在台灣製造的，但是在PWLAN產業的發展推廣方面，卻是起步較晚的。本論文即是希望能夠研究討論國內外PWLAN產業的發展態勢，藉由研究國外公司的發展經驗與競合狀況，再整合國內外學者專家的意見與研究報告，提出PWLAN產業的整體性分析研究與建議，提供台灣PWLAN產業中各從事不同價值活動單元企業的一個營運參考與發展依據。 在最後結論與建議的部分，簡單整理如下： 1.PWLAN產業之發展必須從提升需求與強化供給兩方面做起； 2.而PWLAN業者面臨強大的競爭壓力，在經營上必須步步為營； 3.需注意無線網路為人詬病的安全性問題； 4.注意產業主導權的爭奪； 5.政府角色對台灣PWLAN產業發展的影響力不容小覷； 6.需建立漫遊機制； 7.可能會出現業者間的併購行為； 8.雙網整合的趨勢明顯。

本論文旨在探索民意的公共性與公眾意涵，亦即從公共／眾的角度探討民意的概念。此外，本文也將進一步地剖析媒體再現民意公共／眾的問題，並實際檢驗報紙民調報導與電視談話性節目再現民意及其公共性的真正意涵。 為了有效瞭解媒體再現民意的問題，本論文建構了觀察民意公共性的指標，並以此作為觀察分析報紙民調報導與電視談話性節目的依據。在報紙民調報導方面，本文採用了論述分析的方式檢驗報紙民調新聞再現民意的表現，並以聯合報：中國時報與自由時報三大報為分析對象。電視談話性節目方面則以個案研究的方式進行，並選擇TVBS「2100全民開講」為研究對象。至於研究時間則區分為選舉期間與非選舉期間。 本研究發現，不論是報紙民調新聞或是電視談話性節目，其所再現的民意公眾皆具有虛構／想像公眾、集體公眾、斷裂公眾的意涵。但民調報導則以統計數字建構了型式理性的公眾內涵，並以隱喻的論述方式轉喻了搖擺公眾成為民意公眾；談話性節目則利用公眾聲音建構了談話公眾的特色，而節目的內容型態也展現了非理性的情緒公眾意涵。民意公共場域方面，以上兩種媒體所呈現的公共領域皆具有政治領域的型態（民調報導議題與談話節目討論議題大部份皆以政治議題為主），而民意的批判公開性也轉變為媒體操縱公開性的意涵，甚至於談話性節目已成為代議政治政黨運作的公共場域，再次賦予了傳統代表公開性的重生機會。至於民意的批判與溝通意涵，報紙民調的固定量化報導型式並無法展現民意理性溝通與批判的精神；而談話性節目的談話論述充滿了二元對立、衝突以及戲劇化的效果，不但無法反映理性批判的本質，也使得溝通論證失去了民主論證的意涵。因此，本文認為現代民意經由媒體再現後，民意的公共/眾精神不再，只成為一種對實在主義的宣稱以及符號建構民意的概念。 關鍵詞：公共、公眾、民意、民意公共性、媒體再現、公開性、論證民主。

在台灣的外國人對兩岸關係的看法 / The focus of this study is to shed light on what foreign residents in Taiwan think about the cross-strait situation and what factors influence the way they think. The study is motivated by what the author sees as a scarcity of information on foreigners in Taiwan, coupled by a spectacular local interest on identity as it relates to the unfolding of cross-strait politics. The author would like to call attention to the distinct voices of foreigners in Taiwan, their plight and what they see as an ideal way to resolve the current impasse. In this light, the study’s approach is exploratory in nature, employing a survey, to solicit foreigners’ opinions regarding the cross-strait situation. The study also contextualizes the social, political and economic space occupied by foreigners in Taiwan with leading intellectual theories that have been used to analyze the idea of diaspora as it occurs worldwide. It tries to single out the most potent forces that shape foreigners’ political inclinations in Taiwan. The study explores such topics as the impact of one’s country of origin, socioeconomic status, mobility, language abilities, and newspaper preferences, on foreigners’ political inclinations.

中國於1971年加入聯合國，藉此重返國際社會；但在毛澤東主政下，中國仍自我封鎖。鄧小平於1976年接替毛澤東後，終於在1979年開啟中國的大門；此時國際環境中現有的規則、制度及價值，大多為西方國家所主導。中國做為後來者，在二十年間成為亞洲經濟的動力來源，世界各國無不密切觀察其快速的崛起；對於中國在國際體系中扮演的角色，以及該如何面對中國竄升的實力，國際間出現兩種看法。 第一種看法將中國視為必須加以防堵的威脅，第二種則將中國視為可透過交往加以運用的機會。「中國威脅論」之說，在1989年的六四天安門鎮壓事件發生後到達顛峰，中國面臨遭到國際孤立的局面，中國政府因此深刻體認到國際聲譽及形象受損的嚴重後果。而當中國共產黨執政的正當性日益仰賴經濟改革成果之際，中國政府更急於塑造友善的國際環境，使其經濟改革得以前進。中國政府開始啟動了全面的國際形象改造，以緩和將中國視為威脅的國際氛圍。 中國領導人自此大力宣傳其「和平崛起」，並在其傳統文化中尋找「軟實力」元素，做為推展多面向公眾外交的後盾。本文內容主要檢視中國擁有的軟實力資源，及其推動高層官員出訪、積極參與國際論壇、主辦北京奧運及上海博覽會等公眾外交作為，結論認為中國的國際形象改造計畫，在全球不同的區域獲致不同的成效。 / China reentered the international community in 1971 when it joined the United Nations, but it remained a closed country under Mao’s watch. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976 and he opened China’s door in 1979 to a global environment where existing rules, institutions, and values had been largely shaped by western countries. In two decades the latecomer has become the economic powerhouse in Asia and has had other states watching its rapid rise in the global community. Two rival views have since emerged as to China’s role in the international order and how to deal with its rising power. The first deems China as a threat to be contained. The second projects China as an opportunity that can be employed through engagement. The “China threat” argument reached its height after the crackdown on student protest at the Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The aftermath of international isolation seriously alerted the Chinese government to the effect of severe damage to its reputation and image internationally. As the Chinese Communist Party’s power legitimacy increasingly relies on delivering economic success, the Chinese government became ever more eager to create a friendly international environment where its economic development may be furthered. The Chinese government has since launched a sweeping reform of its global image to smooth away the perception of China as a threat. Chinese leaders have since touted its “peaceful rise” and turned to its traditional culture for soft power resources to better support its public diplomacy on all possible fronts. Examining China’s soft power resources and its efforts in staging high-level official visits, actively participating in international forums, and hosting the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai World Exposition, this thesis finds that China’s global image promotion has reaped various degree of success in different regions.