Text in Afrikaans / Alhoewel die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika die bestaande reg op regsverteenwoordiging uitgebrei het tot sy logiese eindpunt, is daar geen vaste inhoud aan hierdie reg gegee nie en sal die howe die omvang daarvan moet ontwikkel. Hierdie reg kan weens die heersende sosiale en ekonomiese omstandighede nie 'n absolute reg wees nie. Indien 'n beskuldigde nie 'n regsverteenwoordiger kan bekostig nie, sal een op staatsonkoste aan horn verskaf word, maar slegs indien <lit andersins tot wesentlike onreg sal lei. In so 'n geval het die beskuldigde nie die reg op 'n regsverteenwoordiger van sy keuse nie. Effektiewe regsverteenwoordiging word ook nie gewaarborg nie. Daar word derhalwe steeds nie aan die sine qua non van 'n volledige strafregplegingstelsel soos <lit oor tyd in die Verenigde State van Amerika ontwikkel het, <lit is die verskaffing van kostelose regsverteenwoordiging aan elke behoeftige persoon beskuldig van 'n emstige misdaad, voldoen nie / Although the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa has extended the existing right to legal representation to its logical conclusion, no definitive substance has been given to this right and the courts will have to develop the purview thereof. This right cannot be an absolute right because of ruling social and economic circumstances. Should an accused not be able to afford a legal representative, one will be supplied to him at state expense, but only if substantial injustice would otherwise result. In such an event the accused is not entitled to a legal representative of his choice. Effective legal representation is also not guaranteed. There is therefore still not compliance with the sine qua non of a comprehensive criminal justice system as has developed over time in the United States of America, that is the provision of free legal representation to every indigent person accused of a serious crime / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL.M. (Straf en Prosesreg)

Denna uppsats undersöker hur den svenska myndigheten Sida med föregångare använt människorättsbegreppet i årsredovisningar 1956 – 2019. Specifikt undersöks vilken relation detta har till epistemiska jämlikhetsdimensioner i materialet. Med epistemisk makt menas makten att påverka de begrepp och diskurser som ligger till grund för förståelsen av bistånd och utvecklingssamarbeten. Människorättsbegreppet var i stort sett osynligt i materialet fram till1980. Från och med slutet av 1980-talet associeras mänskliga rättigheter starkt till demokratibegreppet på ett sätt som därefter dominerar stora delar av materialet. Under 2010-talet syns också en ökande association mellan mänskliga rättigheter och jämställdhets- respektive miljöfrågor. Även om det finns exempel på formuleringar som reproducerar epistemisk ojämlikheteller återspeglar en eurocentrisk universalism, är exemplen förhållandevis få. Givet Sidas speciella uppdrag, är det naturligt att fokus ligger på problem och lösningar i länder i det globala Syd. Samtidigt bidrar detta dock till en epistemiskt ojämlik helhet av diskurser där den sammantagna bilden blir att det globala Syd utgör arenan där både hinder och lösningar för hållbar utveckling finns. Det kan leda till att de förändringar som krävs i Nord för att uppnå en hållbar global utveckling inte får tillräckligt med uppmärksamhet. / This study examines how the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida)and its predecessors have used the concept of human rights in annual reports 1956 – 2019, and what relation this use has to epistemic equality. Epistemic power is the power over the conceptsand discourses, forming the basis for the understanding of international development. Human rights as a notion is almost invisible in the reports until 1980. As from the end of the 1980s and onwards, the concept is associated to democracy in a way that dominates large parts of the reports. In the 2010s, the concept is also increasingly connected to gender equality and environmental issues. Although there are examples of reproduction of epistemic inequality or mirroring of an eurocentric universalism, these are proportionately few. Due to Sida’s mission, it’s natural to focus on problems and solutions in the Global South. At the same time, this contributes to an epistemically unequal entirety of discourses, in which the overall picture is that the Global South is where both obstacles and solutions to sustainable development are to be found. This way, changes in the Global North that are also necessary to achieve global sustainable development will not be paid sufficient attention. / <p>Godkänt datum 2020-06-05</p>

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Fondée sur de nombreuses enquêtes en psychodynamique du travail menées au sein d’entreprises publiques et privées, relevant des secteurs de l’industrie et des services aussi bien que de l’agriculture, cette thèse se propose d’analyser les ressorts psychologiques individuels et collectifs de ce qui peut s’apparenter à des actions de résistance face aux contraintes du travail imposées par l’organisation néolibérale du travail. Le matériel clinique de la recherche porte spécifiquement sur les rapports entre les différentes formes d’organisation du travail d’une part, la souffrance psychique et les pathologies mentales d’autre part. Dans la plupart des cas ce matériel a été recueilli à l’occasion d’interventions spécialisées en clinique du travail engagées à la demande des médecins du travail ou de services de santé au travail des entreprises. Par le truchement de ces interventions (qui ont débouché sur des actions de transformation de l’organisation du travail), une attention particulière a été portée aux formes concrètes que revêtent les conduites de résistance inventées par les salariés lorsqu’ils sont confrontés aux dérives de certaines méthodes introduites dans les entreprises depuis le tournant gestionnaire. Dans cette perspective, l’analyse des conduites de résistance a permis de les identifier comme relevant d’un tournant dans l’orientation des stratégies de défense contre la souffrance au travail. Les faits cliniques construits dans ces enquêtes suggèrent que ce tournant affecte électivement les stratégies de défense construites pour lutter contre la souffrance éthique, c’est-à-dire la souffrance éprouvée par des sujets lorsqu’ils sont amenés, par les consignes de l’organisation du travail, à apporter leur concours à des pratiques que leur sens moral réprouve. In fine, la référence au travail vivant permet de dégager une conception de la praxis de résistance visant spécifiquement à lutter contre trois des conséquences produites par l’organisation néolibérale du travail : le mépris du travail vivant, la désolation et la banalisation de l’injustice sociale. Pour cela, le rôle revenant à la recomposition des coopérations dans le travail apparaît comme l’élément central structurant la praxis de résistance. La thèse mobilise des connaissances dans le champ de la clinique et de la psychodynamique du travail d’abord, dans le champ de la psychologie individuelle et de la psychanalyse ensuite, de la « psychologie morale » et de la philosophie politique enfin. / Based on numerous surveys in psychodynamics of work conducted in public and private companies, in the sectors of industry and services as well as agriculture, this thesis proposes to analyse the individual and collective psychological springs of resistance actions against the constraints of work imposed by the neoliberal work organization. The clinical material of the research deals specifically with the relationships between the different forms of work organization on the one hand, and psychological suffering and mental pathologies on the other. In most cases, this material was collected through specialized interventions in "work clinics" at the request of occupational physicians or occupational health services. Through these interventions (which have resulted in changes in the work organization), attention has been paid to the concrete forms of resistance behaviours invented by workers when confronted with some methods introduced in companies since the managerial revolution. In this perspective, the analysis of the resistance behaviours made it possible to identify them as a turning point in the orientation of strategies of defense against suffering at work. The clinical facts constructed in these surveys suggest that this turning point affects electively the strategies of defense constructed to combat the ethical suffering, that is to say the suffering experienced by subjects when they are brought, by the instructions of the work organization, to contribute to practices which their moral sense condemns. Ultimately, the reference to living labor gives rise to a conception of the praxis of resistance aimed specifically at combating three of the consequences produced by the neo-liberal organization of work: contempt for living labor, loneliness and the banalization of social injustice. For this, the role of recomposing cooperation in labor appears to be the central element structuring the praxis of resistance. The thesis mobilizes knowledge in the field of clinical and psychodynamics of work first, in the field of psychology and psychoanalysis, "moral psychology" and finally political philosophy. / A partir de numerosas encuestas en psicodinámica del trabajo llevadas a cabo en empresas públicas y privadas, en los sectores de la industria y los servicios, así como en la agricultura, esta tesis propone analizar los resortes psicológicos individuales y colectivos de acciones de resistencia a la dominación impuestas a los trabajadores por la organización neoliberal del trabajo. El material clínico de la investigación trata específicamente de las relaciones entre las diferentes formas de organización del trabajo, por un lado, y el sufrimiento psicológico y las patologías mentales, por el otro. En la mayoría de los casos, este material fue recolectado a través de intervenciones especializadas en "la Clínica del trabajo" a solicitud de médicos ocupacionales o de servicios de salud ocupacional. A través de estas intervenciones (que han dado lugar a cambios en la organización del trabajo), se ha prestado una atención especial a las formas concretas de comportamientos de resistencia inventados por los empleados cuando se enfrentan a algunos métodos introducidos en las empresas desde "la revolución gerencial". En esta perspectiva, el análisis de los comportamientos de resistencia permitió identificarlos como un punto de inflexión en la orientación de las estrategias de defensa contra el sufrimiento en el trabajo. Los hechos clínicos construidos en estas encuestas sugieren que este punto de inflexión afecta electivamente las estrategias de defensa construidas para combatir el sufrimiento ético, es decir, el sufrimiento experimentado por el sujeto cuando están impulsado por las instrucciones de la organización del trabajo, a realizar actos que su sentido moral condena. En última instancia, la referencia al trabajo vivo da lugar a una concepción de una praxis de la resistencia dirigida específicamente a combatir tres de las consecuencias producidas por la organización neoliberal del trabajo: el desprecio por el trabajo vivo, la soledad y la banalización de la injusticia social. Para ello, el papel de recomponer la cooperación en el trabajo parece ser el elemento central que estructura la praxis de la resistencia.

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In dieser Studie werden Einstellungen zu sozialer Ungleichheit bzw. Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen und die Wahrnehmung von Einkommensungerechtigkeit durch die Bevölkerung in postkommunistischen und westlich-kapitalistischen Ländern zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten untersucht. Im Zentrum stehen vor allem die Determinanten dieser subjektiven Bewertungen und Wahrnehmungen auf der Makro-Ebene. Wie lassen sich Unterschiede in den Einstellungen und Wahrnehmungen zwischen Ländern erklären? Für westliche Länder wird davon ausgegangen, dass im Wesentlichen der Wohlfahrtsstaat als zentrales Verteilungsarrangement jeweils prägend wirkt. Um den Einfluss des Wohlfahrtsstaates zu überprüfen, wird einerseits eine Typologie wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regime herangezogen. Andererseits wird auch der Einfluss wohlfahrtsstaatsbezogener Makroindikatoren als nähere Charakterisierung der ausgewählten Länder getestet, was in der international vergleichenden Einstellungsforschung bislang vernachlässigt wurde. In postkommunistischen Ländern, die seit dem Systemwechsel im Vergleich zu westlichen Ländern nicht durch lange wohlfahrtsstaatliche Traditionen geprägt wurden, stehen eher die unterschiedlichen Transformationsverläufe als Erklärungshintergrund von Einstellungs- und Wahrnehmungsunterschieden auf Makro-Ebene zur Verfügung. Da die objektiven Strukturen, Institutionen und individuellen Lagen in postkommunistischen Ländern einem stärkeren sozialen Wandel unterlagen, ist hier im Gegensatz zu westlichen Ländern auch mit einem entsprechend stärkeren Wandel der Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen und Bewertungen zu rechnen. Die Daten für diese Studie stammen aus zwei internationalen Umfrageprojekten, dem ''International Social Justice Project'' (ISJP) von 1991, 1996 und 2000 sowie dem ''International Social Survey Programme'' (ISSP) von 1987, 1992 und 1999. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen, die als normative Grundhaltungen von Menschen eher prinzipieller Art sind, besser durch wohlfahrtsstaatliche Regimes erklären lassen, die diese Grundhaltungen institutionell inkorporieren und strukturell transportieren, während subjektive Wahrnehmungen von Einkommensungerechtigkeit besser durch konkretere wohlfahrtsstaatliche Makroindikatoren beeinflusst werden. / This study analyzes attitudes towards social inequality, justice ideologies and the perceived amount of injustice with respect to the distribution of income in post-communist and western-capitalist countries at different times, with a specific focus on the macro level determinants of subjective judgements and perceptions. How can country differences with respect to subjective judgements and perceptions be explained? One can assume that, for western countries, the welfare state is the main distribution arrangement shaping these subjective aspects. In order to analyze the influence of the welfare state, a typology of welfare state regimes is developed. In addition, the effects of macro indicators of the welfare state, conceptualized as more specific characteristics of the selected countries, are tested, which has been previously neglected in cross-national attitude research. In post-communist countries, which were not shaped by long national welfare state traditions as much as in western countries, the different transformation processes and their success are more suitable for explaining divergent macro-level attitudes and perceptions. As objective structures, institutions and the individual situations in post-communist countries have gone through a stronger process of social change than in western countries, a stronger change in justice attitudes, evaluations and perceptions can be accounted here accordingly. Data for this study come from two international survey projects, the ''International Social Justice Project'' (ISJP) 1991, 1996 and 2000 and the ''International Social Survey Programme'' (ISSP) 1987, 1992 and 1999. The results demonstrate that justice attitudes, which are rather basic normative attitudes, can be better explained by welfare state regimes which incorporate these basic attitudes institutionally and transport them structurally, whereas subjective perceptions, such as the perception of social injustice with respect to the income distribution, are affected by more concrete welfare related macro indicators.

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By shedding light on accounts from unaccompanied Afghan asylum-seeking minors in Sweden who were child soldiers in Syria, this thesis explores and examines their narratives and their involvement in the civil war in Syria. The research aims to create a deeper understanding of how these children themselves made sense of their participation in the war by answering the following questions: How were the children approached by the recruiters? What kind of reasons for joining the war are put forward by the recruiters and what strategies do the children encounter: a) economic; b) identity formation; c) social deprivation; d) feeling of vulnerability; e) militarization; f) mental development; g) ideology/ religious-sectarian; or all together? How do the children perceive these encounters and make sense of their recruitment to the Shiite Fatemiyoun Brigade? To which extent has the ideology of Shi’ism played an important role for them in joining the Syrian War? This is a qualitative study based on in-depth interviews which combines procedures from two approaches and techniques: an ethnographic approach and a narrative approach that explores the interviewees’ experiences in a period of time and also generates detailed insights. Despite the fact that none of the respondents testified for being recruited at gunpoint or having been ill-treated, the respondents emphasized that they were forced to join due to the bad circumstances they were living in. In addition, many similarities with other cases regarding child soldiering in several countries have been explored in this thesis, for instance factors related to the socio- economic context and the experiences that are related to the children’s development processes. Differences can be located in various details regarding ideologies and indoctrination since the respondents did not share the politico-religious purposes of the recruiters.

The work deals with the life and work of Přemysl Pitter, major Czech Christian humanist, representativ of the social learning, education and journalism in the 20th - 70s of the twentieth century. Introductory chapters are devoted to his childhood and youth, especially his personal reflection of the suffering experienced at the frontline on the 1st World War, which influenced his future life guidance and practical activities. Other parts of the document is characterized Pitter{\crq}s destiny and social work for others - the poor, downtrodden, necessary - in the context of the radical social and political changes in the last century. Here is a somewhat more comprehensive text on the history of the fight to save children from a concentration camps and detention camps, after World War II, ie between 1945 - 1947. The last section describes the life and operation of Přemysl Pitter after retirement emigration in 1951, when the World Council of Churches delegated the duty of pastoral and social services for refugees in the camp Valka in Nuremberg in Germany until its repeal in 1962. The final chapter describes the staying and creative activity Pitter{\crq}s exile in Switzerland in the 60s and 70s. The work includes a brief summary of the contents of archival material and archives of Přemysl Pitter and Olga Fierzová in PMJAK in Prague.