The purpose of this study was to investigate about preschool teacher’s descriptions and working methods regarding the bodily integrity of children. The choice of method became qualitative and five interviews with preschool teachers. The result of this study shows that the child’s bodily integrity is a human right and at the same time important to their self-esteem. When there are routines and a conscious way of working in the preschool, it is possible to prevent children from being offended, both by adults and by other children. In order to teach children about their and others' boundaries, preschool teachers need to be close and provide tools for the children so that they have the possibility to show or say no in their own way. As a preschool teacher, always reflecting on their profession, how to meet, talk and look at the child, it can help to ensure that children's rights are met, and the child is given a sense of value. / Syftet med denna studie var att studera förskollärares beskrivningar och arbetssätt kring barns kroppsliga integritet. Valet av metod blev kvalitativ och fem intervjuer med förskollärare ligger till grund för resultatet. I resultatet framkom det att arbetet med barns kroppsliga integritet är en rättighet för barn och samtidigt viktigt för deras självkänsla. När det finns rutiner och ett medvetet arbetssätt i verksamheten går det att undvika att barn blir kränkta, både av vuxna och av andra barn. För att lära barn om sin och andras gräns gäller det som förskollärare att finnas nära och ge verktyg till barnen så att de har möjligheten att på sitt sätt visa eller säga nej. Genom att som förskollärare alltid reflektera över sin profession, hur man bemöter, talar och ser på barnet kan det bidra till att barns rättigheter blir tillgodosedda och barnet får en känsla av värde.

In this thesis, I scrutinise and interpret Jürgen Habermas’s claim that justification of moral norms necessitates cognitivism. I do this by analysing the general idea behind his discourse theory of morality and then his metaethics. From there, I examine the non-cognitivist theory called prescriptivism as set out by Richard Hare to see if his account of moral reasoning is able to counter Habermas’s claims and thereafter, I examine some criticism against his concept of communicative action. I also engage with the discussion on how to define cognitivism: that is, whether the line should be drawn between moral realism on the cognitivist side, and constructivism on the other, or if cognitivism can include constructivist theories too. I propose that it should, provided that it allows moral statements to be truth-apt and express a mental state like that of belief. Following this definition, I argue that Habermas can be labelled a cognitivist and finally, I conclude that Habermas's argument does not hold under scrutiny.

Bolivia's indigenous peoples have long been and are still exposed to extensive violations, such as exclusion in working life, education and health care. The indigenous peoples of the country are demanding their right to greater political participation and greater access to rights. The current president of Bolivia, Evo Morales, focuses on improving the situation for the indigenous people in the country, which has resulted in an ongoing major social change regarding indigenous relations with the state. What is happening in Bolivia is that indigenous peoples have the opportunity to create indigenous autonomies where groups can create laws and form a local government based on the group's norms and values. In this way, the groups own identities can be confirmed and their control over territory can be strengthened. However, the implementation of autonomies is weak and slow. The aim of this study is to investigate the issue of why indigenous peoples want autonomy, through a case study of Bolivia's first indigenous autonomy Charagua. Through interviews of women living in Charagua, the results has been analysed based on Will Kymlicka’s, Charles Taylor’s and James Tockman’s theories for understanding such debates. Working with these theories makes it possible to analyse whether the reasoning is about communitarian or liberal values. The conclusion of my study suggests that the argument consists of a combination of communitarian and liberal thoughts but with its foundation in communitarianism, since the group's identity, culture and dignity seems to be valued more than liberal principles. / Bolivias ursprungsbefolkningar har länge varit och är fortfarande idag utsatta för omfattande kränkningar, såsom exkludering inom arbetsmarknad, utbildning samt hälsovård. Urfolken kräver nu sin rätt till större tillgång av rättigheter samt politiskt deltagande. Bolivias nuvarande president, Evo Morales, fokuserar på att förbättra situationen för urfolk i landet, vilket har resulterat i stora sociala förändringar när det gäller urfolks relation till staten. Vad som är aktuellt i Bolivia är att urfolksgrupper har möjligheten att skapa urfolksautonomier. Grupper kan därmed stifta lagar samt utforma lokala regeringar baserade på gruppers normer och värderingar. På så sätt kan dessa gruppers egna identiteter hävdas och deras kontroll över territorium kan stärkas. Implementeringen av autonomier i landet är dock svag och långsam. Syftet med denna studie är att, genom en fallstudie av Bolivias första urfolksautonomi Charagua, undersöka varför urfolk vill bilda autonomi. Genom intervjuer av kvinnor bosatta i Charagua har argumentationen analyserats utifrån Will Kymlickas, Charles Taylors och James Tockmans teorier för att förstå resonemangen som förs. Dessa teorier möjliggör en analys kring om argumentationen genomsyras av kommunitära eller liberala värderingar. Slutsatsen för min studie är att argumentationen är en hybrid av både kommunitära och liberala tankar, dock med sin grund i kommunitarismen då gruppens identitet, kultur och värdighet tycks värderas högre än liberala principer.

This essay focuses on different aspects of the concept of freedom of speech. The purpose is to examine the opinions and thoughts that upper secondary school students have on rights, responsibilities and limitations when it comes to freedom of speech, and to investigate theirschool experiences of the mentioned freedom. Focus groups have been used as method and two group interviews have been conducted, one at a vocational and the other at an academic upper secondary school. Overall, nine students from the third grade participated in the interviews. The essay's results show that the students believe that everyone in society should have the right to be heard, whether you have extreme or divergent opinions. The interviewed students expresses that all people have great responsibility for their opinions, however that, opinions differ on how to interpret the concept of responsibility. Some students draw their limit from a legal point of view. But most of them believe however that the occasion will determine how to deal with their freedom of speech. In the analysis it is made clear that their opinions and thoughts are primarily consequentialistic, individual- and recipient oriented. The students expresses no occasions at all, when they believe that freedom of speech should be limited by the state. On the other hand, they believe that media has the right to suspend their discussion forum and comment fields whenever they wish to. There are differences when it comes to experiences of working with freedom of speech issues in school. The students at the academic upper secondary line have had more opportunities to work with freedom of speech issues, compared with students in the vocational upper secondary line. / Den här uppsatsen handlar om olika aspekter kring begreppet yttrandefrihet. Syftet är att undersöka vilka åsikter och tankar gymnasieungdomar har kring rättigheter, ansvar och begränsningar när det gäller yttrandefriheten, samt undersöka deras undervisningserfarenheter av ovan nämnda frihet. Som metod har fokusgrupper använts och två gruppintervjuer har genomförts. Den ena på ett yrkesförberedande och den andra på ett studieförberedande gymnasium. Sammantaget var nio elever ur årskurs tre med i intervjuerna. I uppsatsens resultat framgår det att ungdomarna anser att alla i samhället ska har rätt att yttra sig, oavsett om man har extrema eller avvikande åsikter. De intervjuade ungdomarna är tydliga med att alla människor har ett stort ansvar för sina yttranden, däremot går meningarna isär kring hur man tolkar begreppet ansvar. Några ungdomar drar sin gräns utifrån en juridisk synvinkel. Flertalet av dem menar däremot att tillfället avgör hur man ska handskas med sin yttrandefrihet. I den gjorda analysen framgår det att deras åsikter och tankar framförallt är konsekventialistiska samt individ- och mottagarorienterade. Ungdomarna uppger i intervjuerna inga tillfällen överhuvudtaget, då de anser att yttrandefriheten bör vara begränsad av staten. Däremot anser de att media har rätt att stänga av sina debattforum och kommentarsfält när de så önskar. Det är skillnad mellan vad intervjugrupperna uppger när det gäller deras erfarenheter av att arbeta med yttrandefrihetsfrågor i skolan. Ungdomarna på den studieförberedande linjen har haft fler tillfällen att jobba med yttrandefrihetsfrågor, i jämförelse med eleverna på den yrkesförberedande gymnasielinjen.

Abstract As human beings, we are all governed by our innate instinct that to kill another human being, or to just inflict pain on another, is to go against what makes us human. Still, it happens every day, far and near. Some of these killings happens in war-like situations, where atrocities against humanity occur. The international community has since the founding of UN in 1945, a duty to intervene where crimes against the human rights occur. This is a difficult task, because, in order to intervene and help those in need, the situation might postulate states violating states sovereignty. This is a problem.                        Hence, the main aim of this study is to investigate how a state can justify intervening in a foreign country in the light of human rights and state sovereignty.                       In order to do this, the theories of sovereignty, nature rights, human rights and intervention has been applied upon the empirical material of USA’s invasion of Iraq, also named, Operation Iraqi Freedom. To execute the analysis, an idea centered analytical method was used. The two questions that guided this study lies both on an theoretical and empirical level. The previous question looked into how states can defend their actions when intervening on basis of the human rights, in a foreign state. The latter question investigates USA’s reasoning and justification, in regards to sovereignty and human rights, prior to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.                       The study showed that the human rights, as well as liberal values, such as, freedom and liberty were the prevailing arguments in America’s reasoning.                       The international community’s agreement on international law and respecting the principle of self governance, has, in recent years, put a clear tension on the relation between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention.                       This goes to show that in questions of sovereignty vs. human rights, the latter comes out on top in international law. At least in the case of USA’s invasion of Iraq in 2003.                       Though, the question on who has the right and when it is right to intervene is very much circumstantial, and so, the discussion ought to continue.   Keywords: sovereignty, nature rights, human rights, intervention, Iraq, USA, Operation Iraqi Freedom, White House

Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.

This study examines the issue regarding three reproductive aspects in relation to women’s right to make own decisions regarding her life, body and reproductive health. The aspects include abortion, assisted fertilisation and surrogacy. In addition, this study investigates if the perception of liberty, in relation to laws and regulation of the female body and the right and freedom of reproductive health, is rooted in explicit versus implicit liberal feminism or conservative feminism. By using idea analysis, this investigation aims to distinguish the ideas behind the regulation of the three aspects. The results of the study shows that explicit and implicit liberal and conservative ideas from a feminist perspective occurs in the distinct aspects. The study concludes that women have been given liberty and the right to make own decisions regarding her body and reproductive health when it comes to abortion, and also in great extent when it comes to assisted fertilisation. However, in the aspect of surrogacy, women has continuously been denied these decision-making rights regarding her own body.

Denna undersökningen ämnar besvara hur gymnasielärare i samhällskunskap implementerar kunskapskravet om de mänskliga rättigheterna, som alla elever ska ha kunskap om efter avslutade kurser i samhällskunskap. Undersökningen grundar sig i kvalitativa intervjuer, där fem lärare besvarar frågor kring i vilken utsträckning de implementerar kunskapskravet och vilken relation de har till olika perspektiv på mänskliga rättigheter. För att analysera resultatet har en implementeringsteori använts, med ett fokus på läraren som närbyråkrat, alltså en person som ansvarar för implementeringen av politiska beslut i vardagen. Undersökningen visar att det finns en implementeringsproblematik som lärarna i viss mån var medvetna om, men detuppdagades även problematik vid implementeringen som lärarna gav uttryck för, för att inte veta. Resultatet visar att problematiken uppstår då läraren inte har de resurser,främst i form av tid för att implementera kunskapskravet om de mänskliga rättigheterna. Ytterligare aspekter som påverkar är lärarens perspektiv på mänskliga rättigheter, eller snarare vilka perspektiv de inte har, men även lärarens stora tolkningsutrymme av styrdokumenten.

Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos (MMDH) in Santiago, Chile is dedicated to the depiction of a difficult heritage. This museum of memory and human rights narrates the military dictatorship in Chile 1973–1990, a time when thousands of people were subjected to unthinkable human rights violations committed by the Government Junta of Chile. Memorial museums exist worldwide and aim to depict a specific historical event when people have been victimized by the state. By showcasing the crimes committed by the junta, MMDH seeks to contribute to the culture of human rights to prevent human rights violations from reoccurring in the future; a culture of Nunca Más (Never Again). In this thesis, the permanent exhibitions of MMDH have been studied through the lenses of representation and discourse theory. The purpose has been to understand the way in which the museum depicts the dictatorship and whether the goal of contributing to a human rights culture was visible in the material that is presented in the exhibitions. The results show that MMDH depicts a story using different themes primarily relating to the crimes committed by the Chilean state and the civilian population’s fight for human rights. In the exhibitions, several themes evoke emotions and can generate a real impact on the visitors. However, the museum presents its material without analysis or interpretation and it disclaims placing the dictatorship in a historical and political context, which can inhibit the educational purpose of the museum. In addition, since the exhibitions lack educational material on human rights and democracy, the categorization of being a museum of human rights with the goal of contributing to a culture of human rights, is insufficient. In the discourse of the exhibitions present at MMDH there is an apparent inclusion and exclusion of narratives which can be explained by the museum’s political link in a country that to this day is undergoing a process of dealing with its past. This is a two-year master’s thesis in Museum and Cultural Heritage Studies.

Jag har i förestående studie genom semistrukturerade observationer på två olika förskolor undersökt hur Barnkonventionen synliggörs i miljön. Sverige har för ett år sedan, 1 januari 2020, inkorporerat FN:s konvention för barnets rättigheter i svensk lag, men i mitt arbete i förskolan har jag inte upplevt någon större skillnad. Därför är det intressant att undersöka huruvida jag kan se att barnen får sina rättigheter tillgodosedda i miljön. Frågeställningarna är, hur synliggörs Barnkonventionen i de undersökta förskolornas miljö? Samt vilka främjande och hindrande faktorer återfinns i de undersökta förskolornas miljö gällande förskolornas arbete med Barnkonventionen? I analysen av den insamlade empiri använde jag en hermeneutisk ansats då jag huvudsakligen tog mig an Manfred Liebels (2018) kriterier för barns intresse, men använde även begreppen barnsyn och barnrättsperspektiv, i syfte att påvisa förekomsten av Barnkonventionella rättigheter i förskolans miljö. Via observation och analys framträdde tydliga skillnader mellan avdelningarna och att pedagogers makt och barnsyn tycks ha stort inflytande på barns möjligheter att kräva sina lagstadgade rättigheter. Trots att pedagogerna inte observerats blir förhållningssätt och barnsyn tydliga i miljön med hänsyn till hur material är tillgängligt och vilka möjligheter barn har till delaktighet och inflytande.