當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第18023号 / 法博第156号 / 新制||法||147(附属図書館) / 30881 / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 毛利 透, 教授 大石 眞, 教授 土井 真一 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(法学) / 乙第12992号 / 論法博第188号 / 新制||法||155(附属図書館) / 32920 / 京都大学大学院法学研究科公法専攻 / (主査)教授 淺田 正彦, 教授 酒井 啓亘, 教授 濵本 正太郎 / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

違法取得之證據於民事訴訟上可否予以使用，涉及之層面甚為廣泛，最為相關者，即係對於發現真實之手段上，所容許最大界限之所在，此自涉及到民事訴訟制度上之價值判斷，因此欲釐清此一爭議問題，自有必要以民事訴訟之最上位法理，諸如發現真實之追求、民事訴訟制度之目的，以及促進訴訟等相關之基本理念予以探討，本文整理並歸納目前文獻上所提出之諸多理論，以違法取證可利用性之角度切入予以觀察，是否有所衝突抑或係理念相同之處，以尋求此議題於民事訴訟整體架構之定位；此外若係採取禁止使用之立場，為避免實質正義之完全剝奪，即須進一步探討民事訴訟制度之發展，是否已提供足以正當化禁止使用此類證據之正當性基礎，本文並以實務上最為常見之通姦案例為焦點，具體操作評估此理論基礎之可行性。 再者，職司審判之法院為達認定事實之要求，自須依自由心證而為證據取捨並為證據評價，此自為自由心證之內涵，而欲承認違法取得之證據將有禁止使用之可能者，自須探討是否法官得基於自由心證，而享有證據之利用自由，為釐清此一爭議，本文以證據能力之要件、證據能力與證據價值之區分、嚴格證明之要求，並進一步釐清民事訴訟法以及實務運作上對於各種證據能力之規範，以尋求違法取得之證據於自由心證之定位。 對於違法取得之證據倘若欲禁止使用，實務上所面臨到操作上之問題，即係基於何種理論基礎、何種審查方式、於審判程序何種階段予以審查、證據禁止之範圍均須一併納入探討之範圍予以釐清，而民事訴訟上違法取證之議題，外國法已發展出一套運作模式，因此本論文於此同時整理並歸納外國法之文獻，諸如英美法之證據排除法則之運作，以及德國法之證據禁止法則之介紹，並與我國法之制度運作互為參照比較，是否可為我國體系建構上之參考借鏡。 同時再以實務上較為常見之違反程序法，以即違反實體法所取得之證據，予以類型化分類，並以學說見解之介紹與實務見解之觀察與分析，探討是否有較為穩定性之運作模式，以符合法安定性。 最後基於實務見解對於此類議題已有為數不少之判決，本論文即以表格化之方式，予以呈現實務上目前對於證據禁止使用之審查方式為何、證據禁止使用之比例多寡、對於各種類型係以何種原因作為判斷可利用性之考量，期望能較為清楚目前實務見解對此一議題之走向。

現實主義的理論特色在於偏好以權力的角度理解國際政治（特別是國家的行為）並且認為在一個處處充滿衝突的無政府狀態體系中，國家是最主要的分析單元。惟類此觀點不僅是一般研究者對於現實主義的誤認，更是現實主義對自我認知的不完備。雖然現實主義將法律或規範置於權力的概念之下，認為國際法只是國家可有可無的一項工具，但事實上國際法律規範與權力卻經常彼此相互影響。 本論文之目的並非要否定現實主義，而是欲對之進行修正及反省。由國際秩序此項議題作為起點，作者處理了下列幾個問題：首先，在國家所組成的國際社中，現實主義維持秩序的策略及其效果為何？其次，若此方法不具成效或有所疏漏，吾人是否有其它的選項可供作為維持國間家往來關係穩定與和平的方法？藉由探索國家創建國際法律規範的原因以及國際法的法源等諸問題，吾人發現國際法律規範之創立往往並沒有一套如同國內法那般正式且專責的機制，但被國家承認為規範或被接受為法律者的方式（例如：國家間的共識），卻不可反駁地存在於國際社會，在這些形成法律規範的方式中，國家（或其他行為者）可以清楚的認知到規範內容中所要求的義務與責任。 因此，儘管現實主義認為國際法不具重要性，但吾人仍應探就國家為何有時願意遵守法律規範的原因。並且設法釐清在現實主義是項研究典範中不同流派的現實主義理論，對於客觀存在的國際法律規範之評價與認知。基於現實主義並非單一的理論而是為一研究典範，故本文在內容上分別從古典現實主義、結構現實主義（包括守勢與攻勢兩種現實主義）、新古典現實主義，以及較為一般人忽略的英國學派等現實主義理論的派別中去探討國際法律規範在國際政治中的地位及功能。文中指出，長期以來人們對於現實主義的理解受限於權力政治這樣的標籤，從而視現實主義與國際制度或國際法為水火而不相容！但事實上，採用現實主義理解國際關係，不意謂著就必須對國際法持以否定的態度。毋寧，在現實主義與國際法律規範之間，存在的不是一種絕對的互斥關係。非結構理論型的現實主義，如古典現實主義，對於國際法即是採取正面肯定其功能的態度。 當瞭解現實主義的秩序觀及其維持秩序策略（權力平衡）的疏漏所在之後，本文解釋了國際法律規範形成的原因以及不同流派現實主義理論對於它的評價和觀點。接著，作者就國際政治的變遷情形做了觀察和檢驗，國際政治自冷戰結束後有了鉅幅轉變，雖然體系的本質依舊如昔，即由主權國家所組成的無政府狀態體系；但是體系內部已有了不同以往的發展和變革。舉例來說，全球化現象已經從經濟領域擴展到政治和文化等其它層面，並向傳統的國家主權及其權力提出挑戰。其它諸如民族分離運動、環境生態等問題也對冷戰後的國際政治造成衝擊，這些影響主要體現在：行為體之間高度的互賴性、行為體之間差異性的擴大，以及對國際法律規範的迫切需要。上述事實使得傳統現實主義以國家作為主體的國際政治體系正朝向一個近似中世紀主義的新政治體系在形成。在此體系中，國家將喪失其原本在體系中的優勢主導性地位，而國際法律規範的發展也將相應的有所提升及調整。 事實上，並非所有行為者的行為皆忠實反映現實主義關於國際法無用論的主張。學者布爾即就國際法律規範所具有的三項政治性功能來解釋國際政治與法律規範間的關係：一、幫助國家認同與瞭解在他們彼此間所形成的「社會」事實；二、在國家和其他行為者間定訂一套基本的互動規則；三、裨益國際社會的成員達成進一步的共識與承諾。結論指出，國際法律規範是國際政治中一項不可獲缺的部分，為了克服傳統現實主義及以結構理論為核心的現實主義在解釋上的不足，「國際社會」的概念必須被深入瞭解和應用在現實主義的理論建構中。同時，吾人應投入心力展開對全球性議題的研究，例如：人權與環保，因為在這些領域中，一項現實主義最為核心的思考—國家主權的獨立與完整，將會遭遇到越來越多的挑戰並使國家藉口主權作為脫逸國際法律規範的可能性大為減低。 / The characteristic feature of Realism is its use of the power concept to explain the course of international politics (especially the behavior of state). The primary unit of analysis is the State which is regarded as operating in an anarchical system dominated by conflict. However, both notions above are misunderstood not only by general students, but the partial of Realism itself as well. Although Realism aligns norms or law with power in so far as international law is considered a tool at the disposal of the most powerful. Yet international legal norms and power also frequently do interact actually. This thesis doesn’t mean to deny the value of Realism, instead, tries to modify and introspect its viewpoints. Starting at the issue of international order, there are several tasks having been done: what is the strategy for Realism to keep order in the society of states and how does it work? Then, if the way for keeping order in Realism wasn’t constructive or in vain, do we have other choices to retain the relationship among the states stable and peaceful? By way of finding out why the states created international law and what the sources of international law are, we can think that the making process of international legal norms and norms itself don’t possess one formal mechanism responsible for law creation like the domestic law, but there are recognized and accepted methods by which legal norms or rules came into existence, for example, the consent of states. In those methods the precise content of legal norms can be identified by states (or other actors). Despite, therefore, the realist perspective deems international law to have no significance in its own right but we still have to seek to ascertain why do the States obey international law sometimes, if not always, but at least. And make it clear to know what the appraisal and perception in different schools under the Realism Paradigm. As we have known the Realism is not a single theory but a research paradigm, the author investigated respectively the different schools of Realism; they are Classical Realism, Structural Realism (including Offensive and Defensive Realism), Neoclassical Realism and Realism in English School. As the content points out, people whose stereotype of Realism has been limited to power politics are used to thinking that international institutions (and regimes) or international law is incompatible with the Realism, usually. However, it’s not absolute for us to consider that Realism turns down international law necessarily. For one instance, Realism without using structural concept, like Classical Realism, takes the positive attitude toward the role and the functions of international legal norms. After realizing the Realism’s conception of order and what the flaw of its strategy (Balance of Power) to maintain order is, this thesis then mentioned about the reasons why international law is created, and how different school under the Realism Paradigm evaluates international law. Following up, the author inspected the change in international politics. In the post Cold War era, though the nature of international system is still like what it used to be, a Anarchical system, the different and new phenomena do really happen. Globalization, for instance, is one momentous challenge to the sovereignty of States and their political power. The rest like separatist movements, environmental problems are also influential to international politics. The central issues of those influences are the interdependence among actors, the dissimilarities among actors and the yearning for international legal norms. Under the perceptions like this, the traditional state-centric international system of Realism has been being toward a Neo-Medieval system. In that system, state actors will lose their predominant and leading stand. On the other hand, the development of international legal norms will adjust itself to the new world and become more important. In fact, the behavior of international actors does not seem to bear out the realist assumption of the impotence of international law. Bull, for example, explains the international law-international politics relationship in terms of three political functions fulfilled by international law: to identify the idea of a society of sovereign States, to state the interactive basic rules of coexistence among States and international actors, and to help mobilize compliance with the rules of international society. As the conclusion in this thesis pointed out, international legal norms is one part of international politics. In order to overcome the inadequacies of the traditional and structural realist interpretation, the concept of ‘International Society’ must be dealt and applied explicitly and deeply in constructing theory of Realism. Meanwhile, people should spend more time researching the global issues, such as human rights and environmental protection, because in these sectors, the most core of realist thinking, independence and integrity of sovereignty, will get into plight and encounter more and more challenges, and the possibility for the States to get rid of international legal norms in the name of sovereignty becomes less and less.

《奧菲歐爵士》(Sir Orfeo) 是一首十三世紀晚期至十四世紀初期的傳奇敘事詩，其中重複出現的時空特性強調出奧菲爾斯傳統中「失去」的主題。克服失去的難題顯示了在無常的世界中維持恆常的困頓—如何在娑婆的世間找尋精神的寄託所在，以解失去對於個人時空感受所造成的罣礙，體驗生命的當下？於多數奧菲爾斯版本之中，到冥界挽回尤瑞柢思 (Eurydice) 的旅程是一個重要的場景，其突顯了在無常之中對於秩序與生命延續 (continuity) 的訴求。這首詩中，不同的延續觀出現於聽覺導向的人間王國與視覺導向的精靈王國，再再顯示了維持恆常的重要性。作為重回秩序的工具，奧菲歐的豎琴為此議題提供了重要的線索。問題的重心在於音樂中協調時空的力量，也就是所謂的共時性，其中蘊涵了奧菲爾斯文本中自身與世界的關係，及其與變動時空，延續感，以及重建秩序的關聯。 奧古斯都 (St. Augustine) 的《音樂論》(De musica) 從八世紀晚期到十五世紀以來一直都是一部影響深遠的著作，為音樂中的時間經驗提供了完整的哲學分析。從奧古斯都的音樂時間觀所呈現的先驗及秩序概念出發，此論文目的在於檢視奧菲歐的豎琴中所顯示出中古時期對於無常 (temporalia) 與先驗(transcendence) 的關懷主題。此項研究在於一種經由音樂與時空所協調出的經驗感受。除了探討人類王國與精靈王國之間的辯證關係，也揭示了《奧菲歐爵士》對於存在、當下、以及人類價值 (humanity) 所表現出來的核心態度。誠如奧菲歐與野外動物們共享短暫的和諧經驗所示 (272-80)，奧古斯都的先驗及永恆觀與奧菲歐豎琴中變動的感官特性並不相符。儘管如此，他對於靈魂律動所提出的解釋，以及記憶是一種出於心智印象 (phantasiai) 的看法，為我們提供檢驗精靈王國時空感的理論基礎。 為了解釋音樂中的和諧如何經由時間經驗讓奧菲歐在變動的世界中維持恆心，此篇論文分成四個章節：第一章介紹相關主題及評論。第二章介紹 中古時期與奧菲爾斯神化相關的音樂理論背景並且闡釋奧古斯都音樂論中的時間觀。在第三章中，我將進一步分析《奧菲歐爵士》中的時空觀。奧菲歐的豎琴所帶來的和諧經驗將會以個人內在與變動外在的互動回饋機制來檢視。這樣的內外交流呈現出一種變動的先驗觀，將永恆寄託在一種有機變動中所體驗的延續感。 其同時也揭露了自身與世界互動的關鍵模式，透過精神蛻變 (metamorphosis) 和冥界之旅等面向，增進我們了解失去及無常的主題。最後，我將在第四章以豎琴的社會意義作結，解釋其對於口說傳統的文化傳承帶來什麼樣的影響，並提供其他奧菲爾斯文本一個不同的角度來觀看自身與世界的關係。 / Loss, the dominant theme in the Orphic tradition, is accentuated by the recurring issue of temporality in Sir Orfeo, a late thirteenth or early fourteenth century romance. The difficulty of overcoming loss posts the question of finding spiritual residence and maintaining spiritual progress in the temporal world. The underworld journey to retrieving Eurydice, as a major scene in most adaptations of the myth, signifies the quest of order and continuity through changes. Such an issue of maintaining constancy is highlighted by the different features of continuity appearing in the hearing-oriented human kingdom and the sight-oriented fairy world. Orfeo’s harping, as the means for recovery, offers a significant clue in viewing this issue. The question falls on the meditative power of music itself, i.e. the contemporal experience of sentiments, which reveals the particular self-world relationship embedded in the Orphic texts and its relation to temporality, duration, and the restoration of order. Augustine’s De musica, which had been an influential work from the late eighth century to the fifteenth century (Fitzgerald 575-76), provides an overall philosophical illustration on the experience of time in music and its relation to maintaining order. Deriving from Augustine’s idea of how the experience of time in music contributes to an understanding of transcendence and order, this thesis aims to examine the medieval concern of temporalia and transcendence manifested in Orfeo’s harping. It is a study of a relationship in space and experience of time that is negotiated through music, which explores the dialectic relationship between Orfeo’s kingdom and the fairyland, and also reveals essential attitude toward existence, presence, and humanity in Sir Orfeo. Although Augustine’s conception of timeless transcendence does not match the temporal and sensual nature of Orfeo’s harping, as seen in the temporary harmony Orfeo shares with the wild animals (272-80), his exposition on the movement of the soul, together with the explication of memory as images (i.e. phantasiai) operated in the motions of the mind, provide us a theoretical basis for examining the temporality of the fairy world. To illustrate how the harmonic order generated through the experience of time in music contributes to the maintenance of internal consistency within the temporal world, this thesis is divided into four chapters: Chapter one introduces relevant issues and literary criticism. Chapter two offers a detailed explanation of the historical background of medieval music theories, the associated allegorical readings of the Orphic texts, and Augustine’s conception of time in the experience of music. In chapter three, I further analyze the temporality of music in Sir Orfeo and distinguish two types of temporality, that of Orfeo’s court and that of the fairyland. The harmonic relationship maintained by Orfeo’s harping is examined in terms of the reciprocal interaction between the inner self and the operating world, which prescribes continuity in temporal transcendence and reveals a significant mode of self-world relationship. Such a study contributes to our understanding of the theme of loss and change in relation to spiritual metamorphosis and the underworld journey. Finally, I conclude in chapter four with the social significance of the harping in order to examine the cultural legacy of the bardic tradition. Through the examination of the mediation of music, I offer an alternative view on the self-world relationship in the Orphic texts.

地方自治是近代憲政的有機組成部分。無論對任何一種憲法體制來說，都需要把地方自治和地方分權問題作為民主國家不可或缺的內容，予以明確定位。 與此同時，很多國家和國際組織重申地方自治原則。1985年通過的多國條約《歐洲地方自治憲章》，1985年通過、1993年再次通過的《世界地方自治宣言》加重了對地方自治的關注，這意味著在今天，地方自治和地方分權的積極意義在世界開始得到討論，並逐步得到明確。與地方自治和地方分權相伴隨的是地方公共團體事務優先原則的確立，即市鎮村最優先、然後是省市縣優先的事務分配原則，而中央政府只負責全國民、全國家性質的事務。地方自治可定義為，國家特定區域的人民，由於國家授權或依據國家法令，在國家監督下自行組織法人團體，用地方的人力財力物力自行處理自己的事務的政治制度。 在中央地方立法權限上，以我國憲法為例，憲法第171條規定：「法律與憲法牴觸者無效。」第172條規定：「命令與憲法或法律牴觸者無效。」另外，中央法規標準法第11條：「法律不得牴觸憲法，命令不得牴觸憲法或法律，下級機關訂定之命令不得牴觸上級機關之命令。」在中央法制範圍內建構憲法、法律、命令的三層的上下位階關係。論及地方法規與中央法規之位階關係，由於地方自治團體所制定之地方法規，屬國家法律體系內之一部分，為求國家法律體系之完整及統一地方法規自應受法律位階理論之拘束。 故我國憲法第116條規定：「省法規與國家法律牴觸者無效。」、第125條規定：「縣單行規章與國家法律或省法規牴觸者無效。」。 在司法院大法官釋字第666號解釋中，我國社會秩序維護法第80條禁止性交易，究竟限制人民何種憲法上權利，主要有二種見解：其一主張涉及性自主權，其二主張涉及工作權。 後者最重要理由是提供性服務以收取對價應認為是一種職業而應納入憲法職業自由之討論。憲法第15條職業自由所稱之職業，原則上只要是人民用以謀生的經濟活動即足當之，毋庸沾染太多道德或價值判斷的色彩，至於該職業應否管制或如何管制始為正當，則是後續的問題。 性如果可能作為一種謀生的工具，人民有沒有以性作為謀生工具的自由？性販售行為可否受到憲法對職業自由的保障？ 如果立法者不是採取全面禁止的手段，而是合目的性地鑑於政策需要，對從事性工作之方法、時間、地點等執行職業之自由，予以適當限制，則由於「根據職業自由的三階理論」此類管制手段性質上屬寬鬆之合理審查的範疇，立法者反而能獲取更大的政策形成空間。 爰上所述，本論文提出主要研究問題如下：宜蘭縣娼妓管理自治條例對於性販售行為僅僅有所管制，而非全面禁止，是否與社會秩序維護法第80條牴觸？宜蘭縣娼妓管理自治條例規範位階為何?是否為法律？宜蘭縣娼妓管理自治條例與與社會秩序維護法效力關係又為何？中央地方權限劃分對宜蘭縣娼妓管理自治條例效力影響為何？是否可直接逕依中央法律，亦即依據社會秩序維護法處行政罰？有無侵犯宜蘭縣政府地方自治權限空間疑慮？處罰之理由或相關理論基礎為何？中央地方法規衝突對憲法上性工作者之工作權保障程度及影響為何？地方政府的自治權限有無憲法保障且不容中央恣意侵犯領域？中央或地方法規其中之ㄧ經司法院大法官解釋宣告定期失效或立即失效時有何種影響? 兩者法律關係影響為何？究為取代關係或遞補關係？