長久以來，政府部門在特別權力關係的思維框架下，漠視公務人員有追求良好的薪資福利與人性化管理的需求，也經常刻意忽視公務員團體勞動權。另一方面，公務員也被認為是社會中保守穩定的一群，然隨環境的變化，公務員除須承受服務對象所施予之壓力外，更窮於應付政策更迭，因而職場上隱藏著行政管理僵化、工作氣氛不良的情況，使得公務員職業尊嚴日益低落，所以，公僕實在難為。此值新政府新政之際，實有必要全面檢討公共部門內部的勞雇關係，以新的思維變革組織文化，賦予公務人員勞動權參與組織管理。 我國憲法第十四條規定：「人民有集會及結社之自由。」惟就廣義公共部門而言，我國公營事業員工及公立學校教師，皆有法律規定得參加或組織工會以主張切身利益之相關意見，唯獨常業文官卻無任何可發聲的管道。又由於「公務人員協會法草案」於八十九年九月經考試院審議通過，有關公務人員勞動權制度之設計實令人期待，倘該法能順利完成立法，我國公務人員即能依法參加或組織協會，必定對現有的公共部門勞雇關係體制造成衝擊。鑑於美國公共部門工會組織發展之歷史背景與公務員勞動權之制度規範，資料相當豐富完整，頗有攻錯之處。 是以，本論文即就美國聯邦公務人員勞動三權，即團結權、團體協商權及罷工權之意涵、公部門工會組織、制度沿革、運作情形、當前發展及勞雇關係所生之影響等相關問題詳加探討，並針對我國考試院公務人員協會法草案之立法背景、研擬過程、特色及主要內容，與重要議題等加以介紹、評析，試圖以美國經驗提出我國未來可能遭遇的問題並研擬建議意見。最後，期能從美國公務人員勞動權的理論與實際，與我國公營事業工會適用之「工會法」，公立教師會適用之「教師法」及考試院「公務人員協會法草案」，與美國「聯邦公務員勞雇關係條例」作橫斷面之比較，希冀從中擷取若干合理可行之建議，供作我國未來制度興革之參考。

本論文主要在探討現階段（1979年改革開放後）大陸城鎮地區勞動力失業問題，包括城鎮人力資源、公開性失業、下崗職工、冗員、隱性失業、勞動力低度運用問題，以及這些問題造成人力閑置、國民經濟損失之經濟分析。 人力資源是經濟發展過程中最重要的因素。充分開發利用人力資源，不僅是社會經濟的需要，也是勞動者自身生存和發展的需要。大陸城鎮人力資源呈穩定增長趨勢，就業人口到1998年末達到20,678萬人，占總就業人口29.6%。按人力資源充分開發利用的要求來看，在大陸城鎮地區還有相當的差距。主要表現在人力資源事實上存在一定的閑置。分為兩個方面來談： 一是城鎮存在大批失業人口。1992年以來大陸城鎮的登記失業人口一直保持上升趨勢，1998年登記失業人口為571萬人，登記失業率為3.1%。另外，按1995年1%人口抽樣調查資料計算結果， 1998年調查失業人口（其中包括從未工作和失去工作正尋找工作者）為1,145萬人，調查失業率為6.2%，相當於登記失業率的2倍。若再將下崗職工併入計算，則1998年城鎮真實失業人口測算為1,528萬人，真實失業率為6.9%。 其二是城鎮勞動力有相當部份是處於不充分就業（隱性失業）狀態。包括了企業等單位之冗員（富餘人員）、被迫（破產、停產）下崗職工、提前退休職工。據測算，目前大陸城鎮企業—主要是國有企業，隱性失業人口為3,207萬人，隱性失業率為15.1%。 綜上所述，失業造成人力資源的閑置（包括公開失業及隱性失業）達到了3,778萬人，人力閑置率為17.8%。另外，透過Okun’s law，可算出1998年真實失業率6.9%之下導致國民生產（GDP）的損失比重最高達到13%。失業問題可說是帶給中共當局及人民帶來極大的經濟負擔。 近年來，中共積極推動「再就業工程」政策，試圖照顧及安置失業和下崗職工再就業，實施以來，雖獲得相當之效果。不過，在執行過程中，由於存在來自政策、資金、社會及職工本身的許多障礙，使得效果大打折扣。基於此，提出擴大勞動力需求量、降低勞動力供給與健全勞動力市場三種途徑，配合社會保障制度之完善來解決大陸城鎮失業問題。 大陸政經環境變化一向牽動兩岸經貿的發展，蓋勞動面的因素（就業政策、工資結構和勞資糾紛秩序）更是台商投資大陸的關鍵動機，牽涉我國對兩岸互動政策的規劃。值此兩岸經貿愈趨頻繁之際，熟悉大陸城鎮勞動力就業現況與趨勢，乃是極為重要的課題之一。 / This essay is related to research the unemployment of labor force in urban areas of Mainland China after the reform in 1979. It includes urban’s labor resources, open unemployment, laid-off workers, supernumerary, disguised unemployment, labor utilized inadequately problems, and idleness as well as the economic analysis of GDP loss caused by these above problems. Human resource is the most important factor in economic developing process. Sufficiently utilizing human resource is not only the demand of social economy, but also that of labors’ existence and development. Human resource in urban areas of Mainland China is the steady rising trend so that the number of employed population archived 206,780,000 till the end of 1998, 29.6 percent of the total employed population. According to the request of sufficiently utilizing human resource, it is a quite gap, the existence of idleness in human resource, in urban areas of Mainland China. There are two main points detailed below: First, there are most unemployed population occurred in urban areas. From 1992, the registered unemployed people in urban areas still remain the rising trend. For example, the number of the registered unemployed people is 5,710,000 as well as the rate of the registered unemployed people is 3.1 percent in 1998. In addition, based on the outcome of the random sampling of one percent of people in 1995, the examined unemployed people in 1998 is 6.2 percent, equaled to twice of the registered unemployed rate. Thus, if calculated with laid-off workers, the number of the real unemployed population in urban areas in 1998 is approximately 15,280,000 and the real unemployment rate is 6.9 percent around. Secondly, there are fairly disguised unemployment happened in urban’s labor, included supernumerary, laid-off workers, and prematurely retired workers in enterprises. According to measure corporations in urban corporation of Mainland China, most is state-owned enterprise; the disguised unemployment is 32,070,000; the disguised unemployment rate is 15.1 percent. To summarize, the amount of the idleness of human resource caused by unemployment, included open and disguised ones, archives 37,780,000 and the rate of labor resources idleness is 17.8 percent. Moreover, the rate of GDP loss reached 13 percent under the real unemployed rate, 6.9 percent, in 1998 calculated by Okun’s law. Hence, the unemployed question brings the huge economic load for people and state of Mainland China. Recently, the state of Mainland China aggressively pushes “re-employment engineering“ policy. It tries to care and settle the unemployment and laid-off workers to re-employ in enterprise. Since accomplishing this policy, the outcome doesn’t very outstand obviously although it got some effects in fact, because there are many obstructions from policy, capital, society, and labors’ selves during the performing process. Consequently, this essay provides three ways, the expanding labor demand, the lowering labor supply, and establish labor market, to mach the social security system in order to perfectly solve the unemployed questions in urban areas of Mainland China. Any change of politic and economic environment must bring the development of cross-strait economy. Further, the factors from labor sides, such as the employed policy, the wage structure, and the strife discipline of labor relation, are main incentives of Formosan businessmen to invest in Mainland China since they are related to the cross-strait plan from Formosa to Mainland China. Thence, it’s one of the most courses to acquaint the current and trend of employed labors in urban areas of Mainland China upon the frequent cross-strait economy.

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本研究根據Housman（1981）的實證方式，對我國現行所得稅制對男性經濟戶長之勞動供給影響進行迴歸分析，進而估計目前我國所得稅制度下，個人的最適勞動供給曲線，並求算在此一勞動供給曲線下，所得稅對不同納稅人所造成的無謂損失（分別以高所得階層及中低所得階層代表性個人加以計算）。 利用民國八十七年「人力資源調查」所做出的實證結果發現，稅後工資率與非勞動所得的變動，對勞動工時皆有相當顯著的解釋能力。其中稅後工資率的係數符號為正，表示當工資上升，休閒相對價格提高，故個人會減少休閒，而勞動工時會相對增加；非勞動工時的係數符號為負，表示休閒為正常財，個人會隨所得提高而增加休閒時間，故勞動工時會相對減少，而比較二者的效果，非勞動所得變動對勞動工時的影響，較稅後工資率變動對勞動工時的影響為大。同時，累進所得稅對勞動供給所造成的無謂損失，無論在絕對量或相對於稅前總所得的比例，皆隨總所得的提高而增加，因此所得稅對高所得者效率上的衝擊較低所得者來得大，亦即所得稅扭曲高所得者的勞動供給行為之程度，較低所得者的扭曲程度為大。

本研究藉由探討工作保障機制的內涵，包括：「1.社會福利民營化之相關政策與法令的規範；2.社福機構之勞動條件的制定；3.社工員之社會工作專業的形成；4.社福機構的經營管理」等四項機制；以身心障礙公設民營福利機構為研究範圍。經由文獻整理法、訪談法、參與觀察法、個案研究等方法，來達成本研究之研究目的：1.探究社會工作員工作保障機制之內涵。2.檢視社會工作員工作保障機制之實績。本研究訪談社工專家、社政單位相關人員、社福機構之主管及社工員，並且選擇北市五個社福機構，作為個案研究對象。 在「社會福利民營化之相關政策與法令」方面：公設民營機構在契約時間內，由於政府補助，使機構得以穩定發展並擴大其經營規模，如此有助於社工員之工作安定性，並可能提昇其勞動條件。其次，社會福利相關法及契約內容規定機構須運用社工員來從事福利服務，將可能有助於提昇機構任用社工員的意願。另外，社會福利民營化政策是否繼續推展，將視政府福利政策走向及其財源多寡，因此政策走向將影響契約的存廢，及契約具有期限的限制，續約與否將影響服務對象之權益及機構員工之工作穩定性。 在「社福機構之勞動條件的制定」方面：由於社福機構具有非營利之特質，財務較穩定者，以大型機構居多，其將提供較佳之勞動條件；此外，某些機構的主事者認為在機構工作應持服務、奉獻之心態，不能要求機構應給付較好之勞動條件；所以機構給付較好之勞動條件，須視機構的能力及意願。 在「社工員之社會工作專業的形成」方面：社工師法賦於社工師的合法性以及透過社會福利相關法令強制規定任用社工員，可確保社工員之專業性及增加社工員之就業機會，但實際上社福機構尚未完全認同社工員之專業性，因此機構雖任用社工員，但社工員還可能需要兼任行政人員，若行政業務過多將影響專業服務。 在「社福機構的經營管理」方面：社福機構之人力運用，以專業人員來服務案主，並以志工來補充人力之不足。適用勞基法時將造成勞動成本增加，機構可能減少僱用專職員工。然而，機構藉公設民營取得政府補助，來改善機構之勞動條件及增加專業人員之聘用，以健全機構之經營管理並提昇機構之專業性，並有助於保障員工之工作權益。 本研究以工作權之意義來形成工作保障之意涵；透過四項工作保障機制之運作來看台灣社福機構社工員之工作保障實績，在此四項機制中，社福相關政策與法令以及勞基法，的確有可能提升社工員之勞動條件和福利；但社工專業之形成尚未成熟及機構管理之中介變數複雜，尚有待未來之觀察，才有定論。所以，社工員確實能獲得較佳之勞動條件和福利制度以及增加就業機會等工作保障；但工作穩定性則受政策走向與契約延續之影響。 本研究提出幾點建議，包括：社工員之專業性方面、社福機構方面、政府方面以及對未來研究的建議等。

本文題目為「俄國女性革命家 維拉‧沙蘇里契及其政治思想轉換」，專述沙蘇里契的生平要事與其思想轉換過程。好比她在勞動解放社和俄國社會民主黨在十九世紀末的紛爭，另外在火星報時期列寧和普列漢諾夫之間的紛爭中也可以看出沙蘇里契的樞紐角色。在幾乎二十五年的時間裡，在反政府恐怖主義運動中，她不得已地刺殺了德列波夫之後，她便拋棄了恐怖暴力革命之思想，並在土地與自由社的分裂當中，吸引一些追隨者隨她加入黑土重分社，同樣地她在一八八三年更有助於發掘第一個俄國馬克思主義社會，如此一來，永久地分裂了民粹主義，長久以來換得了一個激進的社會主義觀點。一度在一九○三年，沙蘇里契扮演一個在孟什維克派與布爾什維克派的分裂中重要的角色。 　　不難發現其所每次之轉變，她好爭論的工作之進程也在這些分裂之中，近三十多年的著作，她的影響確實在社會主義的世界裡，令人深切的感受到。 　　本文目的主要在於分析三個問題： 　　一、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契其先後思想更迭之因素； 　　二、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契和列寧之關係轉換與俄國政治型態更替之關係； 　　三、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契晚期思想分析。 　　綜上所述，第一章將以序論為楔子，敘述研究動機、文獻探討、研究目的、研究限制、研究架構。第二章則題為沙蘇里契革命思想之形成，也就是與涅查耶夫相識的形成期。 　　第三章則題為從民粹主義至馬克思主義的思想轉換，也就是銜接沙蘇里契的自我形成與之參與民粹派活動。第四章則題為馬克思主義中的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此段時期為她一生中革命事業與地位之最高峰。第五章題為一九○九年至一九一四年的取消派與維拉‧沙蘇里契。第六章題為十月革命以後的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此時已然為沙蘇里契在政治舞台上最後一段時期。第七章為結論部分，主要呈現研究目的與研究結果相互回應下所產生的維拉‧沙蘇里契之思想原貌與轉變原因，並利用垂直分析，來使讀者清晰本論文之目的與結論，更進一步回應本文之研究目的。 / The topic of this dissertation is “ The Russian female revolutionist- the life of Vera Zasulich and her transformation of political conviction.” The focus of this research is her life and the transformation process of her political conviction. For example, her role in the Liberation of Labour, Social Democratic Labour Party, and her relationship with Plekhanov and Lenin. 　　At first, the focus is an introductory part in a piece of this research. In the second chapter, touching upon her life, she was born into a poor family in 1849. Her father died when she was three years old and as her mother was unable to cope, she sent Vera to live with wealthy relatives in Biakolovo. When Zasulich finished her schooling she moved to St. Petersburg and found work as a clerk. She became involved in radical politics and met Sergi Nechayev, the co-author with Mikhail Bakunin of Catechism of a Revolutionist. Zasulich joined a weaving collective and became active in the movement to educate workers, conducting literacy classes for them in the evenings. 　　In the third chapter, the focus is her transformation from a populist to a Marxist. In 1876, Zasulich found work as a typesetter for an illegal printing press. A member of the Land and Liberty group, when Zasulich heard that one of her fellow comrades, Alexei Bogoliubov, had been badly beaten in prison, she decided to seek revenge. Zasulich went to the local prison and shot Dmitry Trepov, the Governor General of St. Petersburg. She was arrested and charged with attempted murder. During the trial the defence produced evidence of such abuses by the police, and she conducted herself with such dignity, that the jury acquitted her. When the police tried to re-arrest her outside the court, the crowd intervened and allowed her to escape. 　　In the fourth chapter, the focus is the role she played in the Marxist period. In 1883, Zasulich joined with George Plekhanov and Paul Axelrod to form the Liberation of Labour, the first Russian Marxist group. Later she moved to Switzerland where she became active in the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) and served on the editorial board of Iskra. 　　From the fifth to the seventh chapter, the key point is the latter part of her life. At the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Labour Party in London in 1903, there was a dispute between Vladimir Lenin and Jules Martov, two of SDLP''s leaders. The last part, she returned to Russia during the 1905 Revolution but after its failure ceased to be active in politics. During the First World War Zasulich supported the war effort and opposed the Bolshevik Revolution. Vera Zasulich died in 1919. 　　The objective of this research is to analyze three subjects: 　　1.The causes of her transformation in her political conviction. 　　2.The relationship between Zasulich and Lenin under changing of the Russian political form. 　　3.The thinking of the latter part of Zasulich''s life.

在全球化時代下，勞動力的跨國流動成為一個顯著現象。 2005年起，芬蘭食品加工公司開始引進外籍野莓採集工，其中以泰國東北方的農民占最多數。他們持3個月的旅遊簽證，並引用芬蘭 everyman’s right 這個傳統權利在芬蘭的森林裡採集野莓。 這些泰國野莓採集工被視為自僱自營者/企業家而非受雇者，因此他們必需支付其到芬蘭的所有開銷，這些開銷基本上遠超過一個農民家庭的一年所得。農民先行支付了這些高額開銷並不意味著其享有任何收入保證，相反的，其收入完全取決於他們採收了多少野莓。如果他們碰到了乾旱的夏季或野莓作物收成物不佳，此意味者他們在極辛苦的工作之後，不僅沒賺到任何錢，反而背負更多的債務，換句話說，泰籍野莓採集工自行承擔芬蘭採莓之行的所有風險。 泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭填補了當地人不願從事的次級勞動市場職缺。他們既不享有芬蘭政府的相關勞動法令保障，也不適用芬蘭工會的團體協約。其處於芬蘭勞動市場的灰色地帶。 外籍野莓採集工在芬蘭屬於新的社會現象，目前僅見極少數的文獻聚焦探討此議題。此研究的目的主要是為了瞭解泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭的勞動處境，並解釋造成其處於不利處境的結構性因素。 / The flow of labour force between countries has become a significant phenomenon in globalization age. Since 2005, the Finnish food processing companies started to introduce migrant wild-berries pickers with a tourist visa up to 3 months in order to harvest wild berries in Finnish forest, and the majority is from the northeastern area of Thailand. They went to Finland with tourist visa and pick up wild berries in the forest according to ‘Everyman’s Right’. They do not be regarded as employees but self-employment or entrepreneurs, and therefore they and their income totally depend on how much berries they pick up. Thai berry pickers paid every cost that far more then one year income of normal farm-family in Thailand by themselves. However, those high costs do not engage any income guarantee. If they meet dry summer or corps is not good enough, they would not get any compensation from Finnish companies. In other words, they will simply work for free and get even deeper debts after extremely hard working. Thai berry pickers in Finland fill in the vacancies in Finnish secondary labour market. They neither entitle to enjoy the protection from Finnish labour regulations nor collective agreements. They are in gray areas in Finnish labour market. Migrant berry picker is a new appearance in Finland, and hence there are only a few literatures focus on the issue. The aim of this research is to understand the situation and explore the structure determinates of Thai berry pickers.

自1984年John Atkinson提出彈性公司模型，世界勞動市場趨勢果然如同他的理論發展－企業內的核心工作機會減少、非典型勞工逐年增加，而非典型勞工與一般勞工的勞動條件差異會逐漸擴大。單方面開放勞動市場彈性，所帶來結果必然是貧富不均的擴大、社會不公義的增加，再加上社會安全保障系統的不足，將使社會有越來越分化、兩極的風險。也因此宣稱能夠達成勞動市場彈性與社會安全保障平衡的彈性安全策略，在具有強烈社會連帶思想的歐洲國家，引起極大的重視。探究彈性安全之內涵，是指彈性勞動市場、積極勞動市場政策與慷慨失業保險體系三者的結合，而此三面向為本文跨國比較核心。 　　比較德國、荷蘭及我國的現行政策與法令，本文發現德國對於非典型僱用的立場為有限度的開放，2005年哈茲法案雖為德國近年最大規模勞動市場彈性化改革，仍是以保障、正名化、平等化非典型勞工為目的，在有完善的社會安全保障的前提下，才能擴大非典型僱用的使用，可看出德國在非典型僱用政策上，安全優於彈性的軌跡。荷蘭的非典型僱用已成為勞動市場主流，非典型勞工的權益已列入民法保障，並且另有許多法令層層保障非典型勞工，其政策方向由先彈性再安全，轉變成彈性兼安全。相較之下，我國對非典型勞工的保障仍不夠明確，相關法令保障其勞動權益與社會保險相對缺乏，因此本文建議：一、我國應正視非典型僱用成長趨勢，以完整的社會安全保障、更廣泛的積極勞動市場為前提，明確的將各種非典型工作納入勞動法及社會安全保障法令規範，勞動市場彈性化才不會對非典型勞工造成長遠、負面影響；二、應儘快實行勞基法派遣專章，使派遣勞工不再成為勞動市場弱勢；三、修正勞工保險與就業保險之薪資門檻，才有可能確實保障部分工時勞工權益。

本研究以2005年勞退新制為例，探討資遣費對資遣率之影響。在勞退新制實施之後，資遣費的給付額度不僅大幅減少，還多了上限，因此，基於資遣費往往被視為雇主所直接面對的資遣成本，資遣率是否會受到勞退新制中資遣費改變的影響，為本研究欲探討分析的議題。本研究資料來源為人力運用擬-追蹤調查資料庫，研究方法使用差異中之差異法(difference in differences)，並依據員工是否適用於勞基法，將樣本劃分為實驗組與對照組進行分析。實證結果顯示，資遣費對於資遣率並無顯著的影響力，因此政府若希望資遣費制度能有預防雇主任意資遣員工的效果，則現行的資遣費制度可能無法達到此目標，而未來是否需要針對資遣費進行修法仍有討論空間。 / This study uses the 2005 Labor Pension Act (LPA) in Taiwan as the quasi-experiment to analyze the impact of severance pay on the layoff rate. After implementation of LPA, severance pay is reduced significantly and constrained by an upper boundary. Since severance pay is often considered as the firing cost, whether the layoff rate is affected by the largely reduced severance pay is what this study expects to analyze. Data used in this study are drawn from the Manpower Utility Quasi – Longitudinal Survey (MUQLS). In order to apply the difference in differences method, the observations are divided into the treatment group and the reference group according to the coverage of the Labor Standards Act (LSA). The empirical results suggest that severance pay has no significant impact on the layoff rate. Therefore, if severance pay is expected to prevent the arbitrary layoff, the current severance pay system might not achieve this goal and some modifications of this system might be necessary.

本文書寫的七位都市阿美族營造業板模師傅的勞動生命故事，將帶領我們走入一趟勞動社會學之旅。這些受訪的新店區阿美族資深板模工人，主要來自花東平原或縱谷不同的部落。目前他們有些居住於新店國宅內，有些居住於河濱部落，有些散居於安坑地區。他們都是技術工人，從事營造業板模工作也都有二十個年頭以上。他們豐富的板模工作經驗及長時期待在此行業，不僅提供我們重新認識台灣建築工人勞動過程的自主性及日常生活樣貌，也從他們口述史中知道整個營造業產業的變遷風向。雖然他們以個案方式被呈現，但我們借助這些個案也試圖超越這些個案，嘗試從具體工人個案敘述，走向抽象工人的理論論述與剖析。 這是一趟勞動社會學之旅，但同時也是一趟勞動生命史之旅。本文採取田野調查、深度訪談與歷史文獻爬梳的方式，試圖去貼近被研究對象。他們的勞動與都市生活，其實是具體地鑲嵌於母文化及其社會關係之中。當越是深入田野貼近都市阿美族的工作經驗及其日常生活，筆者就越想瞭解下列的疑問：「都市阿美族建築業工班是如何運作的？」、「都市阿美族人其原來的勞動文化，如何被帶入工地勞動之中的？」、「台灣營造業的剝削與不公平問題，更勝於其他行業，但為何沒有建築工人走上街頭呢？其中製造甘願的機制為何呢？」、「都市阿美族建築工人的抗爭，如何展現及其限制為何？」最後還有「都市阿美族人建築工人團結文化如何可能？」這些大問號，將引導本文的思考與書寫的方向。 本文的章節安排，扼要說明如下。第一章〈導論〉，包括研究動機與目的、文獻回顧與評析、研究方法及章節安排之說明；第二章〈近代阿美族的社會歷史及其時代變遷〉，探討阿美族自荷西時代到日本殖民時代的社會變遷；第三章〈當代阿美族的西部都會地區移工、族裔社區與日常生活〉，則試圖描繪當代阿美族的社會變遷面貌，尤其考察都市阿美族的形成、社群網絡、自願團體、貨幣使用及其日常生活樣貌；第四章〈阿美族板模工個案生命史〉，正式進入七位男性都市阿美族板模師傅個案勞動生命史自傳的書寫；第五章〈都市阿美族營造業工班組織與勞動過程考察〉，將由這七位板模師傅的勞動經驗出發，並將其放在台灣營造業鋼筋混凝土工法引進百年歷史、戰後台灣營造業外包制度、工班運作及其生產政治中考察；第六章，〈戰後台灣工地文化、營造技術及其社會變遷〉，我們將聚焦在台灣特殊的工地文化、營造業去技術過程及建築工人的勞動自主性之課題；第七章〈工地「階級」關係、勞動過程與市場專制/關係主義〉，試圖建立在上述個案研究基礎之上，並超越個案的侷限，從事抽象的建築工人勞動過程的理論討論與剖析。其中，特別指出及論證台灣營造業之「市場專制與關係主義複合體組合」勞動體制特色；最後第八章〈結論〉，扼要說明本研究的若干研究發現。 / In this book, the hardworking life stories of seven urban Amis template workers in construction industry will lead us to a journey of sociology of labor. These interviewed senior Amis template workers who live in Sindian District, New Taipei City, mainly come from different tribes in Huatung Valley or Plain. They chose to settle down in Sindian District of New Taipei City. Some of them live in Sindian public housing, some live in riverbank tribes, and others live scattered in Ankeng. They are all skilled workers who have experience in making templates in construction industry for more than twenty years. With their extensive experience of making templates and stay in this industry for a long time, we not only rediscover the autonomy of labor and daily life of construction workers in Taiwan but also learn the transformation of the construction industry with their oral history. Although it is presented with cases, we attempt to transcend the cases, and with these cases, we try to discuss and analyze the cases from concrete labour cases to abstract labour theory. This is a journey of sociology of labor, and also a journey of history of labor life. With the methods of field work, depth interview, and historical references, the writer tries to get close to the subjects and finds that their labor and urban lives are concretely embedded to mother culture and social relations. The deeper the writer gets into the field and urban Amis’ working experience and daily life, the more the writer wants to solve the following questions: “How does the construction shift of urban Amis works?” “How did Amis’ original labor culture be brought to the construction labor?” “The exploitation and unfairness of labor in Taiwan construction industry are more serious than those of other industries, but why there aren’t social movement of construction workers in the streets? What is the mechanism of creating consent?” “How should we express and what is the limit of the fight of urban Amis construction workers?” “What is the possibility of unity culture of urban Amis construction workers?” These big questions will lead the way of this essay’s thought and direction of writing. The chapter arrangement of the essay are as follows: chapter 1, “Introduction,” including the motivation and purpose of the research, reviewing and analyzing the references, research methods, and the arrangement of chapters; chapter 2, “Recent social history of the Amis and the change of its time,” discussing the change of Amis society from European rule to Japanese colonial period; chapter 3, “Present Amis’ migrant workers in Taiwan’s western metropolitan areas, community, and daily life,” trying to describe the appearance of present Amis’ change of the society, especially inspecting the formation, community grid, volunteer group, usage of currency, and daily life of present Amis; chapter 4, “Individual life history of Amis template workers,” beginning to write the biography of the history of labor life of the seven urban Amis template workers; chapter 5, “Inspecting the construction industry work organization and labor process of urban Amis,” starting from the personal labor experience of these seven template workers, it investigate the history of hundreds of years of reinforced concrete technique in Taiwan construction industry, post-war outsourcing system in Taiwan, operation of working shifts, and production politics; chapter 6, “Post-war culture of construction site, construction techniques, and change of society in Taiwan,” focusing on the special culture of construction site, process of construction techniques, and the labor autonomy of constriction workers in Taiwan; chapter 7, “The ‘class’ relations of construction site, process of labor, and despotic marketism / relationalism,” trying to establish the above basics of mentioned individual case research, transcending the limitation of individual case, and conduct the abstract discussion and analysis on the theory of labor process of construction workers. It especially points out and demonstrates the features of labor regime of the complex of despotic marketism and relationalism in Taiwan construction industry; chapter 8, “Conclusion,” briefly elaborating the findings of the research.