改革開放後，文革中一度瀕臨絕跡的宗教再度復現於神州大地上，並有了長足的增長。而隨著中國大陸近年來政經情勢的轉變，向被視作黨國傳輸帶的官方宗教團體，其自主性也有相當發展，在國家與信徒間的角色亦有轉變，並影響各宗教的發展方向。本研究以基督教為研究對象，援引新制度主義之研究架構，以基督教領域中黨國、三自教會、家庭教會等主要行動者為焦點，梳理各行動者之間的制度性關係，以探討當前中國大陸宗教團體自主性成長之因，以及各行動者在基督教發展中所扮演的角色。 透過代理人理論的分析，本研究指出，中央和地方黨政宗教事務部門之間存在著代理人問題，造成中央政策無法在地方貫徹執行。國家社會關係朝向統合主義的轉型，則給予了官方宗教團體自主空間，同時促成教界利益崛起。與此同時，基層教會也發展出自主意識，同時習得運用若干技巧，以消解來自官方宗教團體的壓力。此外，前述黨國內部的代理人問題與統合主義的轉型，同樣給予家庭教會生存的空間，而在宗教市場邏輯的運作下，家庭教會將始終有其存在的利

This dissertation attempts to explain why cross-national variation exists in government approaches to dealing with illegal drugs. As other scholars have shown, several domestic and international political factors do account for some of this variance. However less is known of the effect that bureaucratic dominance and political institutions may have on drug policy. This research argues that bureaucrats define problems in ways that make their services the best possible solution to policymakers. Mediating the ability of bureaucrats to influence drug policy outcomes are political institutions. Certain institutional structures foster a competitive policymaking environment while others foster a more cooperative policymaking environment. In the former of these, law enforcement approaches to the drug problem are often retained as the status quo because competition between policy actors prevents consideration of alternatives. In the latter environment however, prevention, treatment, and harm reduction approaches to the drug problem are developed because cooperation between policymakers allows other actors. namely public health bureaucrats.to influence drug policy decision making. To test this argument, I constructed an original dataset that includes over 4,000 observations of drug policy in 101 democracies. Institutional data on intergovernmental relations, regime type, political bargaining, electoral design, and cameralism were regressed on 6 different drug policy indices: law enforcement, deterrence-based prevention, abstinence-based treatment, educationbased prevention, substitution-based treatment, and harm reduction. While controlling for government resource capacity, severity of the drug problem, international pressure, and political ideology, I found that institutions explain a portion of the variance in drug policy outcomes. Providing in-depth information about these phenomena is a large amount of field data I collected while interviewing 155 politicians, bureaucrats, interest group leaders, and service providers. Respondents from all four of the case countries examined in this research.including United States, Canada, Austria, and Netherlands.report that bureaucrats play a major role in the formation of drug policy. Which bureaucrats have the most influence on policymakers is largely a function of domestic political conditions, international political factors, and political institutions.

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p. 1-290 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-30T20:35:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 3333333333333333.pdf: 2022341 bytes, checksum: 509258a28eae8740edd814fa04c095a7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Creuza Silva(mariakreuza@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-05-04T17:41:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 3333333333333333.pdf: 2022341 bytes, checksum: 509258a28eae8740edd814fa04c095a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-04T17:41:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3333333333333333.pdf: 2022341 bytes, checksum: 509258a28eae8740edd814fa04c095a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Este estudo analisa a regulação sanitária de equipamentos eletromédicos no Brasil e no Reino Unido. Busca identificar e analisar as semelhanças e diferenças entre os dois regimes e discutir em que medida eles protegem a saúde da população dos riscos decorrentes desses equipamentos. Optou-se por realizar pesquisa qualitativa exploratória com coleta de dados através de entrevistas, observação participante e análise de documentos, tomando-se bombas de infusão como equipamentos traçadores. Utilizando-se a Teoria dos Grupos de Interesse e a abordagem cibernética, é possível concluir que ambos os regimes estão implantados sob o modelo corporatista bipartite, priorizando a participação apenas de dois grupos de interesse, reguladores e aqueles representantes do segmento regulado. Apesar de terem legislação diferente, quanto à organização, o funcionamento deles se dá de modo fragmentado, implicando ocorrência de falhas regulatórias dos tipos captura e atenuação da ação regulatória. Têm estruturados de modo diferente os instrumentos regulatórios, controle sobre a entrada de empreendimentos no mercado, certificação de conformidade, revisão de pré-comercialização, tecnovigilância, mas guardam certa semelhança, no que diz respeito ao elemento central da ação regulatória - o equipamento em si, e não o paciente. Não utilizam os instrumentos regulatórios de forma balanceada, parecendo dar prioridade às atividades que geram recursos orçamentários para o órgão regulador e evitam conflito com o segmento regulado. Como conseqüência, aparenta que a regulação sanitária de equipamentos eletromédicos no Brasil e no Reino Unido ainda está distante de atender às necessidades de proteção da saúde da população. Para que esse objetivo seja alcançado, faz-se necessário investir em medidas educativas, esclarecendo a população sobre os riscos desses produtos e fomentando sua participação na organização do regime de regulação de risco à saúde. / Salvador

Gendered Interests and the European Union. The European Women’s Lobby and the Organisation and Representation of Women's Interests. On a general level this thesis concerns the changed and changing institutional conditions for gender equality in Europe and the organisation and institutionalisation of women’s social and political interests at the EU level. I ask in what ways political structures and authorities enable and/or obstruct women to generate, sustain and control their presence in politics as women. I explore how the EU institutions structure and provide opportunities and constraints for women to mobilise and organise to act as an authorised party vis-a-vis and within the EU political system. How does it come that women, as a collective, are not only recognised as a politically relevant group but also legitimised to act and be present as women in an organised relationship with the EU system’s main authorities? The presence comes in the form of the European Women’s Lobby (EWL), an EU level and EU wide non-governmental umbrella organisation which represents some 4000 women’s organisations on multiple levels of the EU. The EWL is not the first example of women organising on the EU level, but it is the first of its kind. The EWL was initiated by women from within the European Commission and is funded mainly via a grant from the Commission. The EWL’s objectives include the endorsement of equality between women and men and to ensure that measures to promote gender equality and women’s rights are taken into account and mainstreamed in all EU policy. Using material gathered through interviews, observations and official documentation I study the structure of the European Women’s Lobby; the participation of the EWL in EU politics; the relation between the EWL and the EU institutions; the relation between the EWL’s member organisations; and the forms the representation of women’s organised social and political interests at EU level can take. I argue that in the specific political system of the EU, organised interests in civil society and the EWL perform the functions of input, and participate in output and feedback. Organised interests function as intermediaries between the national and European levels. Organised interests strive to gain influence; the Commission, as a political authority, strives to gain legitimacy of its policy-making through the input and output of representative organised interests. As a consequence of what I argue is a corporatist policymaking style of the Commission the EWL has become increasingly institutionalised. The trade off is that while the EWL has enjoyed the Commission’s support and funding to constitute an established EU level platform from which women can formulate, mobilise and pursue their interests, the EWL has must organise and take control over the interests aggregated from its member organisations and over the form of the member organisations. The very structure of the EWL can be seen as part of the price the EWL has to pay to be granted somewhat of a representative monopoly in terms of opportunities to influence EU policy-making through the various channels of consultation. In this context, I argue that the representativeness of organised interests is key. There is no electoral basis legitimising the policy-making of the Commission, instead, this basis is constituted by organised interests. Paradoxically, this holds the potential for increasing the legitimacy of the Commission, something which increasing transparency has failed to do. It is no exaggeration to claim that the EWL offers a remarkable EU level platform for women to act and pursue their interests as women. By studying the actual impact of EU level policy-making and politics on various ways, this thesis argues that the very existence of the EWL can be understood as being in the interest of women.

Punk rock provided not only a watershed of creativity, innovation and a do-it-yourself spirit to a culture saturated in the mainstream, it physically brought like-minded people together in a community, or rather extended family, which in today’s hyper-d.i.y. culture, is progressively declining. As early as the 1940s, theorists such as Adorno and Horkheimer warned us about alienation in a society increasingly dependent on technology. By looking to punk, and other resilient and robust counter-cultures, perhaps we can find solutions to the pitfalls of the ‘culture industry’ (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1944). My thesis, consisting of a feature-length documentary film and textual analysis, is a culmination of: ethnographic research into the punk scene in my own community; theoretical research into the sociology, ethnography and subculture theory; and my own subjectivity. My personal findings are presented to offer insight into punk philosophy and to spur discourse, rather than deliver an objective account or didactic reproach. / Graduate

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans, English and isiZulu / In sy haas om in die globale ekonomie geïntegreer te word, na baie jare van polities-ekonomiese isolasie – en dus volle lidmaatskap van die internasionale gemeenskap te verkry – het die na-apartheid staat die ekonomiese raamwerk van die vryemarkstelsel aanvaar, gebaseer op die beginsels van neo-liberale kapitalisme as sy normatiewe basis om die “nalatenskap van apartheid” aan te spreek. Die aanvaarding van die ekonomiese model van neo-liberale kapitalisme is egter problematies in soverre dit betekenisvol misluk het om na-apartheid Suid-Afrika se mees fundamentele moreel-polities-ekonomiese uitdaging, naamlik armoede, aan te spreek en te oorkom. Hierdie tesis bied ʼn alternatiewe ekonomiese model aan, naamlik uitgebreide korporatisme. Terwyl die neo-liberale ekonomiese model individuele belange beklemtoon (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van outonomie in die ekonomiese sfeer), beklemtoon die korporatistiese model, daarenteen, kollektiewe belange (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van kollektiewe eienaarskap en verantwoordelikheid). Die voorspraak vir uitgebreide korporatisme poog om die volgende aansprake te bewys: 1. Die vryemarkstelsel moet behoue bly, maar een of ander vorm van strategiese ingryping is nodig sodat bepaalde sosio-politieke en ekonomiese doelwitte bereik kan word. 2. Die huidige vorm van korporatisme in Suid-Afrika is “drieledigisme” (ʼn swak vorm van korporatisme). ʼn Uitgebreide korporatistiese politieke ekonomie kan teweeg gebring word deur die instelling van korporasies, die instelling van ʼn ekonomiese wetgewende gesagsliggaam, arbeidshowe en gesentraliseerde salarisonderhandelinge. 3. Uitgebreide korporatisme kan Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese probleme aanspreek. Transformasie kan bevorder word deur ʼn paradigmaverskuiwing weg van die liberale kapitalisme, ʼn magsverskuiwing weg van die wit kapitalistiese enklave en ʼn verspreidingsverskuiwing ten gunste van die swart verarmde laerklasse. 4. Alle ekonomiese sektore en private industrieë en bedrywe moet onder die beheer van korporasies gebring word. Die staat en arbeid moet vennote by private industrieë en bedrywe word. Op dieselfde wyse moet kapitaal ʼn vennoot by staatsondernemings word. In konklusie, die aanvaarding van uitgebreide korporatisme in Suid-Afrika sal verseker dat die staat, kapitaal en arbeid saamwerk en dat ekonomiese geregtigheid en harmonie sal seëvier. / In its haste to be integrated into the global economy, following many years of political-economic isolation – and thus assume full membership in the international community – the post-apartheid state adopted the economic framework of the free market system, based on the principles of neoliberal capitalism as its normative foundation for addressing the “legacy of apartheid”. The adoption of the economic model of neoliberal capitalism has, however, proved to be problematic insofar as it has failed significantly to address and thus overcome post-apartheid South Africa‟s most fundamental moral-political-economic challenge, namely poverty. This thesis offers an alternative economic model, namely extended corporatism. While the neoliberal economic model emphasises individual interest (based on the philosophical principle of autonomy in the economic sphere), the corporatist model, in contrast, emphasises collective interest (based on the philosophical principle of collective ownership and responsibility). The advocacy of extended corporativism is based on the following key claims: 1. The free market system must be retained, but some form of strategic intervention is necessary so that certain socio-political and economic results can be achieved. 2. The current form of corporatism in South Africa is in fact tripartism (a weak form of corporatism). An extended corporatist political economy can by brought about by the implementation of corporations, the establishment of an economic legislative body, labour courts and centralised wage bargaining. 3. Extended corporatism can address South Africa‟s socio-economic problems. Transformation can be promoted by a paradigm shift away from liberal capitalism, a power shift away from the white capitalist enclave and a distribution shift in favour of the black impoverished lower classes. 4. All economic sectors as well as private industries and businesses must be brought under the control of corporations. The state and labour must become partners in private industries and businesses. In the same way capital must become a partner in state enterprises. In conclusion, the adoption of extended corporatism in South Africa will ensure that state, capital and labour work together and that economic justice and harmony will prevail. / Ekuxhamezeleni kombuso owasungulwa emva kokuphela kobandlululo kuleli, ngenjongo yokuthi udidiyelwe emnothweni womhlaba, kulandela iminyaka eminingi ukhishwe inyumbazana kwezepolitiki nakwezomnotho – futhi ukuze uthathe indawo yawo njengelungu eligcwele lomphakathi wamazwe ngamazwe – waqoka ukwamukela nokusebenzisa uhlaka lwezomnotho lohlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile, olwakhelwe phezu kwemigomo yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, njengesisekelo-nkambiso sayo sokubhekana “nokhondolo lobandlululo”. Kodwa-ke, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kwemodeli yezomnotho yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, sekubonise ukuba yinkinga impela njengoba sekuhluleke kwancama ukunqoba inselele enkulukazi eNingizimu Afrika selokhu kwaphela ubandlululo, yokuqinisekisa ukubhekelelwa komuntu wonke, ephathelene nezepolitiki kanye nezomnotho, okuyinselele yobubha. Lo mbhalo wetisisi uhlinzeka ngemodeli yezomnotho ehlukile engasetshenziswa, futhi leyo modeli wubukopeletsheni obeluliwe (extended corporatism). Njengoba inqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zomuntu ngamunye, (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yokuzimela kwezomnotho), imodeli yobukopeletsheni ngakolunye uhlangothi yona igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zabantu ngokuhlanganyela (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yobunikazi obuhlanganyelwe kanye nesibopho esihlanganyelwe). Ukwesekwa kanye nokukhuthazwa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe kusekelwe phezu kwalezi zitatimende ezisemqoka: 1. Uhlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile kumele lugcinwe, kodwa-ke kuyadingeka ukungenelela okuthile okukhethekile ukuze kuzuzwe imiphumela ethile yezenhlalo-politiki kanye nezomnotho. 2. Uhlobo lobukopeletsheni olukhona njengamanje kuleli, eqinisweni, luwubukopeletsheni obungunxantathu (obubandakanya isivumelwano phakathi kwabaqashi, izinyunyana zabasebenzi kanye nohulumeni), i-tripartism (okuwuhlobo lobukopeletsheni oluntekenteke kakhulu). Umnotho wezepolitiki oncike kubukopeletsheni obeluliwe ungalethwa ngokuqaliswa kokopeletsheni, nangokusungulwa kwenhlangano eshaya imithetho ephathelene nezomnotho, nezinkantolo zabasebenzi kanye nokuxoxisana ngamaholo okwenziwa esigcawini esisodwa esibandakanya zonke izinhlaka ezithintekayo. 3. Ubukopeletsheni obeluliwe bungazixazulula izinkinga zenhlalo-mnotho ezibhekene neNingizimu Afrika. Uguquko lungagqugquzeleka ngokuthi kuphunywe kwinqubo ekhululekile yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe, futhi kuphunywe ngaphansi kwenqubo yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe abamhlophe, kuguqukelwe emnothweni obhekelela abantu abamnyama abasemazingeni aphansi ababhuqabhuqwa wububha nenhlupheko. 4. Yonke imikhakha yomnotho kanjalo nezimboni namabhizinisi azimele kumele kufakwe ngaphansi kolawulo lokopeletsheni. Umbuso kanye nabasebenzi kumele babambisane nezimboni namabhizinisi. Ngendlela efanayo, ogombelakwesakhe nabo kumele babambisane namabhizinisi ombuso. Uma sengiphetha, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe eNingizimu Afrika kuyoqinisekisa ukuthi umbuso, ogombelakwesakhe kanye nabasebenzi basebenza ngokubambisana futhi kanjalo lokho kuyoletha ubulungiswa bezomnotho kanye nokuzwana. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

中國共產黨建政8年後，就宣布完成全行業社會主義改造（1949-1956），實現了公有制與計畫經濟體制，取消了中國既有的混合經濟體制與私有財產制度。然而，自70年代末期開始，一連串試圖搞活經濟的措施開啟了中國經濟制度變化的序幕，30年來，中國已經由公有制計畫經濟體制，轉變到今日混合所有制市場經濟形態。 那些力量驅動了這場變化？那些變數與其交互作用影響，變化了經濟改革的方向？通過經濟制度變化的過程，那些成果帶來經濟制度走上不歸路的效用呢？這是筆者試圖解釋的課題。 事實上，中國經濟制度的變化，是一連串政權行動者「始料未及」的變化的結果，這場制度變遷─中國由公有制計畫經濟體制重新回到混合所有制市場經濟體制，一開始並未有指引變革行動的藍圖，變革的方向亦是在變化的過程上才漸次浮現的，它受到制度的限制，也受到偶發事件的影響，當然也就不意味是整體領導層的共識結果，它是在特定歷史結構與制度交錯相互影響下的產物。換句話說，是歷史（時間序列上的事件與變化）、制度與行動者組構了這場變遷。同時，這也是一場動態的變遷過程，變遷的路徑有來自制度遺產的影響，它也存在著路徑依賴的現象。 不過，路徑因行動者與制度安排的激勵而強化，從而實現變遷，但也在行動者基於觀念（意識形態）或利益下予以限制，從而轉折到不同的方向上。筆者認為，在中國獨特的政經體制下，路徑自我強化的現象不是內部自我激勵造成的結果，而是來自外部的因素；在路徑依賴的背後，制度結構與行動者的作用具有不容忽視的影響。 筆者認為，改變中國經濟制度最重要的取徑，就是「雙軌制」。「雙軌制」是一項行動者非意圖的創造，它始自陳雲倡議「摸著石頭過河」，獲得鄧小平的贊同，從而形成「試點」模式，並作為該模式的指導原則。 此外，觀念的引進與衝突是這場變化過程的重要部份，像是在推動「經濟特區試點政策過程中尤為明顯；當政權領導人受外部引入的觀念的影響，產生經濟特區政策，而領導人內部也因觀念的分歧，形成足以阻滯特區試點政策的衝突；他們之間的衝突（正統派vs改革派）貫穿整個變遷過程，這也正好說明了觀念因素在中國改變經濟制度過程上的重要影響。 / 8 years after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party claimed that socialist reform has been successfully conducted. Public ownership and planned economy replaced mixed economy as well as private ownership. In the end of 1970s, however, a series of economic reform challenged public ownership with planned economy, which leads China enter into a mixed ownership economy. This thesis attempts to sort out the forces and consequences that drive economic reform. Through the transition of economic system, which leads China’s economy into a no return road. In fact, economic reform in China is an unexpected result by political regulators. Originally, it did not have a blueprint to lead the way. The direction from public ownership to mixed economy emerged throughout the reform, which is not a common consensus from the political leaders. Instead, it is dominated by history, political system as well as regulator in a dynamic way. This path dependency with institutional heritage character is the spot light of economic reform. The author claims the importance and direction of this reform is dominated by external factor. The most importance factor that change China’s economic is the launch of dual system. This system, with the slogan of “crossing the river by groping the stones along the way,” is proposed by CHEN Yun and approved by Deng Xiao-Ping. The introduction of concept is an important factor through the reform, which can be seemed from the process during the promotion of Special Economic Zones SEZs. When political regulators received outer concept and launched SEZs, internal diversity emerged that blocking the reform. Conflicts between orthodoxy and reformist can be seemed throughout reform period, influencing the forces and consequences of China’s economic system.

The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.

In the neoliberal era, there has been a global trend towards increased labour market insecurity and inequality, even in countries traditionally emblematic of union strength and socio-economic security such as Sweden. In this study, I present the first ethnographic research conducted in anthropology of negotiations between the central Swedish union and employer peak bodies (known as the ‘labour market partners’). These negotiations were conducted in 2020 against the background of a political crisis and political pressure to modernise and liberalise longstanding and fundamental job security protec- tions in the Employment Protection Act (LAS). Through the lens of these negotiations, I investigate the role of the labour market partners in moderating neoliberal trends and how the partners see their relationship and role in society. I investigate, for example, why Swedish employers support unions and a system that ostensibly curbs their own power. I employ the notions of moral economy and em- bedding to look beyond economic self-interest, to the moral and institutional norms that help explain the partners’ co-operation over time and the role they see themselves as playing as guardians of the social peace.  I also incorporate interview material describing diverse workers’ experiences of the current job security protections under LAS. I argue that workers’ voices and experiences reveal a parallel moral economy, where current job security protections are revealed to be important but inadequate, and that job security is a highly nebulous, ambivalent and contextual phenomenon. I argue the moral economy of job security is one of entangled reciprocity between employer, worker and the state, and I consider the proposed reforms in this context. The study shows that even in the context of increasing market- isation of labour and society, reciprocity and cooperation both at the workplace and during the LAS negotiations serve to de-commodify labour and embed the economy in various moral norms. In this way, the research contributes to the anthropological literature on embeddedness and moral economy. It also contributes to both an ethnographic and theoretical understanding of job security.