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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 71 to 80 of 80 (0.091 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"exceptionalism"" "subject:"exceptionalisms""
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THE ARAB CENTURY opposing trajectories of Arab activism in MENA What has changed? the case of the Moroccan movement of February 20, 2011 / LE SIÈCLE ARABE Trajectoires opposées de l'activisme arabe dans la région MENA Qu'est ce qui a changé ? Le cas du mouvement marocain du 20 février 2011Tarbouni, Younasse 01 February 2018 (has links)
En prenant le MF20 comme principale étude de cas , je plaide contre les affirmations du caractère nouveau, unique, fructueux, manqué ou achevé de ces mouvements arabes. Je passe en revue la première décennie du 21ème siècle et la déclaration de la Guerre contre le terrorisme (2003) comme déclencheurs de conflits socio-politiques déjà installés dans la région MENA. La deuxième décennie de ce siècle, à travers les soulèvements arabes, a seulement rendu visibles aux yeux du monde les transgressions des droits de l'homme et les atrocités prenant place au Moyen-Orient.Ces soulèvements ont rapidement été réduits à des soulèvements épisodiques. La troisième décennie semble malheureusement entre les mains des idéologues de droite qui s’opposent au multiculturalisme et à l'extrémisme religieux, et qui, de fait, réorientent le débat loin des problèmes sociaux en mettant en avant le récit « nous contre eux ». Pour ces raisons, je prétends que les soulèvements arabes sont loin d’être achevés ; ils n’ont fait que débuter. Contrairement au dessin qu’en fait Davis (2013), ils ne s’estompent pas pour disparaître complètement mais seulement pour revenir en force.L'analyse approfondie dans le projet de la saga des luttes de ces mouvements arabes avec les régimes autocratiques arabes, qui n’ont fait rien d’autre que mettre en place des réformes préventives, nécessite de notre part une attention particulière pour les décennies à venir. Même les cas dits « fructueux », notamment la Tunisie et le Maroc, indiquent que ce qui est célébré est en fait un état de stabilité temporaire qui cache des faiblesses majeures et alarmantes dans le cadre du changement social et de la justice sociale ; deux des principaux déclencheurs du soi-disant printemps arabe.Thomas Friedman fait appel à des détails historiques, dans son excellent article pour le New York Times, demandant à ce que l'expression « Printemps arabe » soit retirée et remplacée par la « Décennie arabe » d'Anthony Cordesman ou le « Quart de siècle arabe ». Je propose que nous nous situons au-delà, et que nous assistons en fait à un Siècle arabe en mutation.Si l’on se fie aux changements politiques récents dans le monde, il apparaît que les changements sociaux dans le monde arabe seront négligés pendant au moins une autre décennie. La montée au pouvoir de l’extrême-droite aux États-Unis et en Europe a déjà retiré l’accent des injustices sociales dans le monde arabe au profit de la question éternelle de l'islam et de l'extrémisme en Occident. Cela s'avère offrir une pause aux régimes autocratiques arabes qui utilisent cette ascension de l'islamophobie en Occident comme un argument unificateur qui distrait des injustices sociales au sein de leurs républiques et leurs royaumes. Ainsi, la lutte des citoyens arabes dans les états arabes pour la dignité sociale sera négligée jusqu'à ce que le récit revivifié du choc de l'islam et de l'Occident disparaisse. / With the MF20 as the major Case Study , I argue against the claims of the newness, uniqueness, success and failure or finality of these Arab movements. I revisit the first decade of the 21st century and the declaration of War on Terrorism (2003) as one trigger of sociopolitical conflicts that were already entrenched in the MENA region. What we witnessed in the second decade of this century is that the Arab uprisings only exposed transgressions in human rights and atrocities in the Middle East to the world. These uprisings were hurriedly reduced to seasonal uprisings. The third decade unfortunately looks to be in the hands of right-wing ideologues standing against multiculturalism and stressing the fear of religious extremism to change the focus from social issues and force the narrative of us-against-them on the forefront. For these reasons, I claim, there is no finality to the Arab uprisings, they have just begun and they are not in a state of thaw as Davis (2013) depicts them, but they are in slumbering phase recouping for a stronger come back. The close analysis in the project of the saga of struggles of these Arab movements with the Arab autocratic regimes who engineered nothing but preemptive reforms, requires our close attention for the remaining decades in this 21st century. Even the so-called successful cases, Tunisia and Morocco, indicate that what is celebrated is a state of temporary stability with major and alarming short comings in social change and social justice; two of the main reasons of the so called Arab Spring. Thomas Friedman suggests great historical details, in his great piece for the New York Times, calling for the expression “Arab Spring” be retired and be replaced by Anthony Cordesman’s the “Arab Decade” or “Arab Quarter Century” . I claim we are beyond that, and that we are witnessing an Arab Century in movement.If the recent political changes around the world are any indication, social change in the Arab world will be overlooked for at least another decade. The rise of the extreme right to power in the US and in Europe has already shifted the focus from the social injustices in the Arab world to the everlasting issue of Islam and extremism in the West. This is proving to be a big break for Arab autocratic regimes, who are using this rise of Islamophobia in the West as a unifying argument that distracts from the social injustices within their republics and kingdoms. Thus, the struggle of Arab citizens within the Arab states for social dignity will be overlooked until the revived narrative of the clash of Islam and the West dies down.
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Diskurs trvale udržitelného rozvoje a jeho dopad na odbornou veřejnost / The Discourse of Sustainable Development and its Impact on Academic PublicBUCHTELE, Roman January 2018 (has links)
The aim of this diploma thesis is to determine, whether the discourse of sustainable development (SD) has any impact on the academic public concerning the knowledge of the topics and principles of SD, or whether it has impact on the value orientation. A group of university students of economics was chosen for the purposes of this thesis as an instance of the academic public. The thesis consists of two main parts: the theoretical part and the analytical part. The theoretical part defines the theoretical base of following topics: the development of the human attitude towards the Earth; the warning messages that preceded the revolutionary year 1987; the basis of the sustainable development; selected topics and principles of the environmental pillar of sustainability; the environmental education; environmental sociology and the new environmental paradigm. The methods applied in the analytical part of this thesis are based on the quantitative approach, NEP and HEP, the environmental sociology. The overview of the discourse of SD from the point of view of the environmental pillar allows for the specific research the operationalization of the knowledge of the topics and principles of SD including the readiness to use those principles.
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Bushadministrationens syn på internationellt samarbete och internationell rätt samt politisk-teoretiska tanketraditioners inverkan på administrationens utrikespolitikHagström, Christoffer January 2007 (has links)
Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström “The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign policy” Supervisor: Jan Olsson The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the foreign policy.
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Creative conflicts : shaping the law on surrogacy and assisted reproduction in Québec and CanadaVespoli, Julie D. 04 1900 (has links)
No description available.
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Covid-19 & Swedish exceptionalism : A critical qualitative content analysis on the international print media discourses of Sweden’s Covid-19 strategy / Covid-19 & Svensk exceptionalism : En kritisk kvalitativ innehållsanalys av den internationella tryckmedia diskursen om Sveriges Covid-19-strategiKippersluis, Rianne January 2022 (has links)
In 2020, the year the Covid-19 pandemic struck, the Swedish Covid-19 response differed radically from the general policy of total lockdown and strict enforcement of Covid-measures and regulations recommended by the WHO. Instead, Sweden strove early on to achieve herd immunity, with no mandatory measures to limit numbers in shopping malls, buses, and other public events, nor mask requirements. Hence, during the height of the pandemic, Swedish Covid-19 policy was a highly debated issue in the international media, within academia and the World Health Organization. The aim of this study is to examine the international media discourse on the Swedish Covid-19 strategy in the international print media. The focus has been on newspapers from the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The research has been done by investigating how Sweden’s Covid-19 strategy is discursively constructed, through major themes and sub-themes that have emerged. Additionally, the differences in discourse between Dutch, English and American media have been explored. As well as the use of language, ideologies, and linguistic devices within the international discourse have been investigated. A total of 178 articles, published between the period of 1 January 2020 until 6 February 2022, have been collected and analyzed. This study uses Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA) as main method and has been inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). A coding frame has inductively been created, by having used a sample of 20 newspaper articles in a pilot study. The software of NVivo has been used for the coding process. The major themes that emerged from my analyses of media discourses are: Anders Tegnell, Strategy, Trust and Image of Sweden and Swedes. My study found that media discourses on the Swedish Covid-19 policy are not positive. Rather these tend to be negative or at best neutral. Images of Sweden tend to vary in tandem with increase or decreases of Covid-19 infections and/or deaths. As the Swedish strategy became more or less aligned with the ‘norm’ of the WHO, the coverage of Sweden in media declined and lost its newsworthiness.
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The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policyCowan, David Fraser January 2013 (has links)
While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology.
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HIV exceptionalism and the South African HIV and AIDS epidemic: perspectives of health care workers in PietermaritzburgStill, Linda Joy 31 October 2008 (has links)
The limited success of HIV-testing facilities in South Africa means that many
people are not accessing necessary antiretroviral treatment services. This
study investigates the practical implications of HIV exceptionalism inherent in
Voluntary Counselling and Testing (VCT). A semi-structured interview
schedule was used to survey participants for their perspectives on barriers to
HIV-testing uptake as well as the effects of exceptionalist practices at VCT
clinics. Responses showed marked perceptions of gender differences in
people's willingness to test and several important barriers including problems
of access to services. Significantly, exceptionalism displayed in certain clinic
procedures was thought to contribute to stigma, and attempts to normalise
HIV practice in order to combat the effects of stigma were being informally
implemented. Participants' views on routine opt-out testing were explored.
The researcher recommended further investigation on how HIV testing and
treatment policies can be normalised so as to reduce stigma and increase
testing uptake. / Social Work / M.A. Sociology (Social Behaviour Studies in HIV/AIDS)
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HIV exceptionalism and the South African HIV and AIDS epidemic: perspectives of health care workers in PietermaritzburgStill, Linda Joy 31 October 2008 (has links)
The limited success of HIV-testing facilities in South Africa means that many
people are not accessing necessary antiretroviral treatment services. This
study investigates the practical implications of HIV exceptionalism inherent in
Voluntary Counselling and Testing (VCT). A semi-structured interview
schedule was used to survey participants for their perspectives on barriers to
HIV-testing uptake as well as the effects of exceptionalist practices at VCT
clinics. Responses showed marked perceptions of gender differences in
people's willingness to test and several important barriers including problems
of access to services. Significantly, exceptionalism displayed in certain clinic
procedures was thought to contribute to stigma, and attempts to normalise
HIV practice in order to combat the effects of stigma were being informally
implemented. Participants' views on routine opt-out testing were explored.
The researcher recommended further investigation on how HIV testing and
treatment policies can be normalised so as to reduce stigma and increase
testing uptake. / Social Work / M.A. Sociology (Social Behaviour Studies in HIV/AIDS)
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MaschinenphilologieHiller, Moritz 13 July 2021 (has links)
"Maschinenphilologie" – das heißt: Fahndung nach dem Subjekt der Philologie. Literaturarchive, Textkritiken und Digital Humanities sind heute Schauplätze digitaler Medien, die nicht nur den passiven Gegenstand, sondern das methodische Werkzeug von Philologie abgeben. Ihre Wirkmacht nötigt zur Frage, wie eine bestimmte Maschinengattung die Prämissen, Praktiken und Institutionen dieses seit 1800 humanistisch geprägten Wissenschaftsfeldes affiziert. Und damit auch seinen geschichtsträchtigen Subjektbegriff: Denn wo nicht mehr nur oder primär Menschen, sondern auch ihr maschinelles Andere schreibt, liest, archiviert und ediert, ist die Logosliebe, mit N. Katherine Hayles zu sprechen, längst posthumanistisch geworden. Grund genug, dieses Beziehungsgeflecht von Menschen und Medien noch einmal abseits von allen Humanexzeptionalismen zu denken: Philologie am heutigen Tag ist immer auch Maschinenphilologie. / This dissertation is in pursuit of the elusive agent of philology. Be it literary archives which curate digital remains, textual criticism which processes computer software, or the Digital Humanities as an alleged new paradigm of humanities, digital media poses particular challenges for philology today—not only as an object of study, but also as a methodological tool. "Machine Philology" confronts these challenges, asking more generally how a particular type of machinery affects the premises, practices, and institutions of a scientific field informed by traditional humanism. Central to the project is an inquiry into the notion of subjectivity. For, where not only human beings, but also their machinic Other, reads, writes, archives, and edits, it is to be argued that philology has—following N. Katherine Hayles—become posthumanistic. The dissertation uses this as an opportunity for a fundamental reconsideration of the entangled network of human beings and media that philology can be described as, evacuated of any human-exceptionalism: Philology today is machine philology.
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Surrogatmodern och den mänskliga värdigheten : En diskursanalys av den statliga utredningen om surrogatmoderskap, ur ett kritiskt postkolonialt feministiskt perspektivZanzi Ferrando, Diana January 2019 (has links)
Uppsatsen undersöker hur ”SOU 2016:11 Olika vägar till föräldraskap” formulerar problemet med surrogatmoderskap, vilka subjektspositioner som kan urskiljas i utredningen och analyserar den ut ett kritiskt postkolonialt feministiskt perspektiv. Utredningen utgår ifrån mänsklig värdighet, autonomi och barnets bästa vilket uppsatsen belyser får konsekvenser för hur problemet med surrogatarrangemang porträtteras olika beroende på om surrogatmodern och barnet är från det globala syd eller det globala nord. Utgångspunkterna är centrala när surrogatmodern och barnet från det globala nord lyfts men får inte samma roll gällande surrogatmodern och det barn hon föder. Vidare undersöks hur subjektspositioner formuleras utifrån emotionell/icke-emotionell, sårbar/icke-sårbar, skyddsvärd/icke-skyddsvärd och blottlägger hur den svenska surrogatmodern och det inrikesfödda barnet konstrueras som emotionella, sårbara och skyddsvärda vilket skiljer sig från hur den utländska surrogatmodern och det utrikesfödda barnet konstrueras. Dessa omges att tystnad vilket får konsekvenser för hur de porträtteras och för vilka åtgärder som föreslås. Uppsatsen bidrar till en utveckling av tidigare forskning med ett tillägg av nyckelordet skyddsvärd för att undersöka konstrueringen av surrogatmödrar. Uppsatsen visar att begreppet är relevant genom att materialet visat på delvis konstuering av emotionell och sårbar men inte skyddsvärd och att detta påverkat resultat och åtgärder. Vidare stärker uppsatsen tidigare forskning som menar att utgångspunkten mänsklig värdighet verkar för en avhumanisering av surrogatmödrar från det globala syd samt att synen på biologi varierar beroende på var ett barn föds. Uppsatsen bygger vidare på tidigare forskning som menar att uttryckt rationalitet och brist på emotion resulterar i en avhumanisering, genom att blottlägga hur det kan räcka med att subjektspositionerna möts av tysthet för att uppnå samma resultat. Detta arbete belyser hur olika subjektspositioner framställs olika i den statliga utredningen och hur koloniala idéer hänger kvar och påverkar underlag till svensk lagstiftning, samt blottlägger vilka konkreta konsekvenser detta kan få för lagförslag och för surrogatmödrar i det globala syd samt de barn de föder.
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