The theme of this thesis is presentation of the theoretical and practical activities of the Czech Republic Prison Service in a resocialization of convicts from the social pedagogy perspective. The theoretical part of the thesis is defined by the basic theoretical issues related to rehabilitation of prisoners, an interpretation of the legal measures, methods of educational function and activities of teaching staff involved in a re-education of prisoners. An activity treatment program of prison Kynsperk nad Ohri in terms of socio-pedagogical and convicted points of view is analyzed in the empirical part of this thesis then.

Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectives. / Does a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities.

Ce travail vise à mettre en avant une éthique du futur à l’ère des technologies du vivant à partir de la biologie philosophique de Hans Jonas en passant au crible a priori les fondements des technosciences. Jonas estime que le problème n’est pas la technique elle-même qui soit en cause mais l’identité qu’elle accorde à l’homme dans cette logique instrumentale envahissante, en d’autres termes, le matérialisme réductionniste. Le problème aussi n’est pas les effets visibles inquiétants et désastreux de la technique mais l’ontologie qu’elle inspire. Outre les manifestations réelles de destruction qu’elle génère, c’est l’être qu’elle confère ou plus exactement dont elle prive l’homme qui est catastrophique. L’homme finit par se considérer comme un fond exploitable. Il s’agira donc de formuler une éthique qui a pour soubassement une biologie philosophique qui récuse une anthropologie mécaniste d’inspiration matérialiste, une ontologie du pas-encore qui fonde les sciences modernes. Réduire l’homme à des lois physico-chimiques, c’est violer notre individualité. Le métabolisme est la preuve de notre individuation. Dans la matière, gît l’esprit. Au-delà de l’anthropomorphisme qui se dégage, l’homme est le seul animal symbolisant doué d’une conscience réflexive. Une responsabilité politique s’impose pour protéger l’intégrité et l’image de l’homme à l’ère des technologies du vivant qui espèrent améliorer ou modifier l’espèce humaine. Mais cette responsabilité politique qui promeut « un marxisme désenchanté » ne tardera pas à renforcer voire devenir une rationalité instrumentale et idéologique à l’image du lyssenkisme. Une autre responsabilité s’impose : une responsabilité scientifique formulée par Charles De Koninck qui interpelle et invite les scientifiques à ne pas sacrifier l’être humain par leurs recherches sur l’autel des subventions financières, du dualisme au relent matérialiste. La science, dans son élan est invitée à tenir compte du facteur « humain ». Cette responsabilité scientifique va au-delà des règles de bonnes pratiques et déontologiques des comités et des expertises scientifiques. Elle nécessite une éducation scientifique pour une science citoyenne pour éviter une science aveugle et idéologique. Bref, à partir de ces paradigmes, nous voulons montrer que les rêves de l’amélioration, de l’augmentation des performances de l’espèce humaine sont des chimères. / This work intends to highlight the ethics of the future in the era of technologies of the living being starting from Jonas and after scrutinizing in the first place the foundations of technosciences that is the emerging reductionism. Just like Heidegger, Jonas is of the view that the problem is not technology itself that it should be blamed but the identity it grants man in that overwhelming instrumental logic, in other words, reductionist materialism. The issue is neither the alarming, disastrous and visible effects of technology but the ontology it generates. Beside true manifestations of destruction it generates, it is the being it confers, or more specifically from which it deprives man who is catastrophic. It is important henceforth to evaluate that reductionist science in terms of a philosophical biology that will become basis to ethics and evaluation criterion for convergent technologies. It is about ethics that has philosophical biology for basis, which challenges materialism-inspired mechanist anthropology, a not-yet ontology that founds modern sciences. Reducing man to laws that rule Physics is violating our individuality. Metabolism (the other name for ontology in Jonas’s terms) is evidence of our individuation. Beyond the anthropomorphism that appears, man remains the only symbolizing animal, the only one to be gifted with introspective consciousness. From that symbolic dimension proceeds culture along with phenomena of self-consciousness. A political responsibility becomes imperative from that philosophical biology to protect man’s integrity and image in the era of technologies of the living that intend to improve or modify human race on the behalf of perfectibility and from processes of reductionist mechanism. But that political responsibility that promotes “a disillusioned Marxism” will not be long in reinforcing, even becoming an instrumental and ideological rationality in the image of lyssenkism. Another form of responsibility becomes imperative: a scientific responsibility framed by Charles De Koninck who calls out to and invites scientists to not give up the human being through their research on the altar of financial subsidies, materialist stench dualism. Science, in its speed is invited to take into account the “human” factor. That scientific responsibility goes beyond behaviorist and deontological rules of scientific committees and expertise. It requires a scientific education for a citizen-based science in order to avoid a blind and ideological science. In a nutshell, from those paradigms, we intend to show that dreams of improvement and increase of achievements of human race are mere illusion.

Les données à caractère personnel sont appréhendées par le droit comme des objets distincts de la personne à laquelle elles se rapportent. Ce statut particulier serait justifié par la transformation résultant du traitement de données. La loi du 6 janvier 1978 suggère pourtant un rattachement en définissant la donnée personnelle comme une « information relative à une personne physique identifiée ou qui peut être identifiée, directement ou indirectement ». Lesdites données sont donc des éléments identifiants, et en cela, par une interdépendance des éléments subjectifs et objectifs, des composantes de l’identité. Elles forment l’identité numérique de la personne, toujours plus sollicitée et collectée. L’hypothèse intuitive de l’identité est contrariée par le droit positif français, au sein duquel la loi Informatique et libertés marque son autonomie par rapport à l’article 9 du Code civil, matrice des droits de la personnalité. Le droit de l’Union européenne isole également, au sein de la Charte des droits fondamentaux, la protection des données à caractère personnel de la protection de la vie privée. Cette autonomisation permet l’accélération de la patrimonialisation des données à caractère personnel, visées comme éléments isolés par une multitude de contrats d’adhésion autorisant le traitement. Le sectionnement du lien entre la personne et ses données n’est toutefois pas inéluctable : la protection de l’autonomie de la personne peut maintenir cette connexion. La Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, qui intègre la protection des données à celle de la vie privée, affirme le lien entre ces informations personnelles et l’identité. En outre, sa jurisprudence relative à la protection de l’autonomie personnelle peut constituer une réponse à l’objectivation des personnes. Dans le même sens, la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel relative à la liberté personnelle, vecteur du droit au développement de la personnalité et de la protection de l’identité en France, a déjà accueilli favorablement la protection des données à caractère personnel. Une réflexion qui prend l’identité comme point de départ de l’étude d’un droit à la protection des données met en lumière le véritable enjeu de la collecte exponentielle des données à caractère personnel et du profilage qui s’en suit : l’autonomie des personnes, dont la préservation est assurée à travers le concept de personne humaine, sujet des droits fondamentaux. / French law approaches personal data and the person they are related to as separated objects. This special status would be justified by the transformation resulting from the data processing. However, by defining personal data as "information relating to an identified or identifiable natural person, directly or indirectly", the law of 6 January 1978 suggests that they are in fact connected to each other. Therefore, those data are to be understood as identifying elements. Following the interdependence of subjective and objective elements, they are components of identity. They form the person’s digital identity, which is increasingly solicited and gathered. The intuitive assumption of personal data as components of identity is thwarted by French positive law, within which the Data Protection Act marks its autonomy in comparison to Article 9 of the Civil Code – the latter being the matrix of rights related to personality. The same way, protection of personal data is distinguished from protection of privacy in the European Union’s Charter of Fundamental Rights. This increasing autonomy allows the accelerated conversion of personal data into assets. In a multitude of conventions, they are regarded as isolated elements of which processing is allowed. Yet the split between the person and their data could be avoided: protection of the autonomy of the person can ensure a connexion. The European Court of Human Rights considers data protection as part of the right to privacy, hence asserting the existence of a link between personal data and identity of the individual. Moreover, its case law regarding the protection of personal autonomy may constitute an answer to the objectification of individuals. Correlatively, the French Constitutional Court has already taken data protection as a part of personal freedom, the latter being considered in its case law as the embryo of the right to the development of personality and the protection of identity. By taking identity as the starting point of a study examining a right to data protection, it is possible to reveal the stakes of exponential gathering of personal data and ensuing profiling: the autonomy of the individual. Therefore, the latter can be protected by the concept of human person as subject of fundamental rights.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Dalmo Ribeiro Ribas.pdf: 26804507 bytes, checksum: cec658211fe9bdc982c3e7a712ca07d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-18 / In the mid past century in São Paulo City, the Umbanda Religion had experienced its most critical period concerning religious persecution. Encouraged by very conservative sectors of the society, the police repression was merciless against both male and female spiritualist ministers, braking into the terreiros (the sanctuary place for their practices) and arresting them along with the faithful people around in the name of moral and honest habits. In order to face this situation, in April 1957, following the recommendations from a spiritual head-guide called Exu Pássaro Preto, a group of Umbanda performers living in Jardim Buturuçu neighborhood, in eastern São Paulo, as a gesture of civil contumacy, had initiated the São Jorge (the Orixá Ogum) procession, claiming through this act for their right of free religious expression. This ceremony, that is taking place in 2010 for the very 53rd time, has widened its projection throughout Brazil, bringing outstanding value for the trails of this religion in São Paulo, by becoming a kind of central axis around witch the Umbanda has been built, has raised and reached institutional recognition. This paperwork aims to rescue by the testimony of Babalorixá Jamil Rachid, one of the most recognized leaders of the Umbanda and Candomblé religions in São Paulo, part of the verbal history of this activity, considering that he has been involved since the early 1950s. Besides the depositions caught from the interviews, the here-below information were structured through the research of newspapers, magazines and pictures concerning the São Jorge Procession and owned by the testimony s focal point / Em meados do século passado em São Paulo a Umbanda viveu seu período mais crítico em termos de perseguição religiosa. Estimulados por setores retrógrados da sociedade, a repressão policial agia contra pais e mães de santo, invadindo terreiros e efetuando prisões em nome da moral e dos bons costumes. Para fazer frente a essa situação, em abril de 1957, seguindo a recomendação de um guia espiritual denominado Exu Pássaro Preto, um grupo de umbandistas moradores do Jardim Buturuçu, Zona Leste da Capital, num gesto de desobediência civil, deu início à realização da Procissão de São Jorge, Orixá Ogum, com o intuito de clamar através dela o direito de livre expressão religiosa. Essa cerimônia que em 2010 realiza-se pela 53ª vez, ampliou, ganhou projeção nacional, adquirindo com o passar dos anos uma importância significativa para os rumos da tradição religiosa em São Paulo, ao tornar a sua realização uma espécie de eixo em torno do qual a Umbanda se estruturou, cresceu e adquiriu reconhecimento institucional. Este trabalho tem como objetivo resgatar através do testemunho do Babalorixá Jamil Rachid, uma das lideranças de maior reconhecimento junto à Umbanda e ao Candomblé em São Paulo, parte da história oral desse movimento, tendo em conta que a sua participação se deu desde o seu início em meados dos anos cinqüenta. Além do depoimento dado através de entrevistas, procurou-se estruturar as informações existentes, organizando-se jornais, revistas e fotos alusivas a Procissão de São Jorge, existentes em poder do entrevistado

A presente tese parte da afirmação reiterada e desconcertante desse filósofo francês de que ele não seria, de modo algum, um \"teórico do poder\", para mostrar que, para além das discussões em torno de se o primeiro Foucault (da arqueologia dos saberes), o segundo (da genealogia do poder), ou o terceiro (da ética e das condutas individuas), seria o mais importante, o \"melhor\", é possível falar numa unidade no que diz respeito à trajetória do seu pensamento e que essa unidade se dá em torno das relações políticas entre os homens, o que faz com que ele seja, eminentemente, um pensador da política, ou melhor, do político. Só que a política tal qual ele a entende não tem nada a ver com a aquela dos teóricos da política ou do poder e, sim, com a relação que ele passou a perseguir em um determinado momento dessa trajetória: a relação entre governantes e governados. Essa relação, cuja percepção se tornou possível por meio do conceito de governamentalidade, gestado no ano de 1978, constitui-se numa nova \"grade de leitura\" para a política, que permite: 1) dar um basta à idéia de que haja, nesse âmbito, modelos universais que possam dar respostas a todos os tipos de questões--modelos esses que legitimam a existência de \"intelectuais universais\", incumbidos de conceber esses modelos e apresentá-los aos \"explorados\" e \"ignorantes\", prometendo-lhes a sua libertação, bem como da \"vida política\" nas atuais democracias representativas--; 2) conceber uma noção de liberdade--enquanto uma relação entre governantes e governados que não possui limites a priori--que escapa à da tradição liberal que, gestada nos séculos XVII-XVIII, se tornou hegemônica no Ocidente a partir do século XIX, não só no plano discursivo, mas enquanto realidade sócio-econômica global. Onde quer que existam essas relações--e elas sempre existirão, para Foucault, do micro ao macro--é necessário que seja possível, sempre, pô-las sob questão; o que só acontece quando o pensamento é deixado solto para ser capaz de levantar o maior número de conflitos possível--e não de consensos--; para, crítico, apontar o maior número de problemas a serem resolvidos dentro do âmbito dessas. Algumas dessas relações irão, então, se sustentar, conseguir se justificar; outras, não, terão que ser revistas, num interminável trabalho de extensão dos limites da liberdade humana. Essa nova noção de liberdade, por sua vez, traz consigo a possibilidade de interrogação do fenômeno da subjetividade, na medida em que são sujeitos, sempre, os que participam dessas relações entre governantes e governados. Por isso, o presente trabalho se esforça em mostrar percursos intelectuais que, tendo sido percebidos e diretamente abordados por Foucault (caso de Kant e de Platão) ou não (segunda clínica lacaniana e perspectivismo ameríndio), mantêm, na ênfase que dão ao sujeito, uma visada em comum com a empreitada foucaultiana. / This thesis initiates itself by the reiterated and astonishing declaration by this French philosopher that he would not be, under any circumstance, a \"power theoretician\", in order to show that, beyond the debates on whether it would be the first Foucault (the archeology of knowledge one), the second (genealogy of power one), or the third (the ethics and the individual conduct one), the most important one, the \"best\", it is possible to talk about a unity in what concerns the trajectory of his thought and that such unity concerns the political relations between men, which results in that he is, eminently, a thinker of politics, or rather, of the political. Except that politics as he understands it has nothing to do with that of the theorists of politics or of power but with a relationship that he began to pursue somewhere along such a trajectory: the relationship that exists between the governing and the governed. Such a relationship, whose perception became possible by means of the concept of governmentality, conceived in the year of 1978, constitutes itself as a \"grid of understanding\" for politics, which allows to: 1) declare that we\'ve had enough of the idea that there shall exist, in such domain, universal models that may answer all kinds of questions--models which legitimate the existence of \"universal intellectuals\", held responsible for conceiving such models and for presenting them to the \"exploited\" and \"ignorant\", promising their liberation, as well as of \"political life\" in current representative democracies--; 2) to conceive a notion of liberty--as a relationship between the governing and the governed which has no a priori limits--that escapes from the liberal tradition one which, created along the XVII/XVIIIth century, became hegemonic in the West since the XIXth century, not only on the discursive level, but as socio-economic global reality. Wherever such relations exist--and they will always do, for Foucault, from micro to macro--it is necessary that it be possible, always, to put them open to question; that which only occurs when thought is left free to be able to raise the highest number possible of conflicts--and not consensuses--, in order to, critic as it is, point out the highest number of problems to be solved in such domain. Some of those relationships will be able, then, to sustain themselves, to justify themselves; others, won\'t, they will have to be modified, in an interminable labor of extending the limits of human liberty. This new notion of liberty, by its turn, carries along with itself the possibility of the inquiry of the phenomenon of subjectivity, as it is that it is always subjects that participate in such relations between the governing and the governed. For this reason, this thesis makes an effort to present intellectual paths which, having been noticed and approached by Foucault (the case of Kant and Plato) or not (second Lacanian clinic and Amerindian perspectivism), maintain, in the emphasis they give to the subject, a common viewpoint with the Foucauldian enterprise.

Copyright is conventionally justified as an incentive to produce and disseminate works of authorship. We can justify and theorise copyright more richly, not least because empirical evidence does not support the incentive narrative. Rather than focussing on quantitative matters such as the number of works incentivised and produced, we should consider copyright's qualitative influence on culture. A threshold objection to such an approach is the risk of cultural paternalism. This objection can be overcome. Rather than specifying paternalistic standards of merit for works, we can target the conditions under which their creation and consumption takes place. I argue, firstly, that we should adopt the following high-level principles: (i) that the conditions of creation and consumption of works should be conducive to democratic deliberation (democracy) and (ii) that they should facilitate the development of human capabilities (autonomy). Secondly, I propose that we pursue three mid-level objectives, which are helpful indicia of democracy and autonomy: - a fair and wide distribution of communicative and cultural power (inclusiveness); - diversity in the content and perspectives available to the public (diversity); and - conditions that permit authors and users of works to engage rigorously with the conventions of the media in which they operate (rigour). It is often said that copyright obstructs important qualitative objectives, like freedom of expression, and that we could better pursue these goals by weakening copyright and relying on non-proprietary alternatives. My approach produces a more optimistic, but also more complicated, view of copyright. While copyright's qualitative influence is not optimal, reductions in the strength and scope of copyright sometimes produces conditions and incentive structures that are worse for inclusiveness, diversity and rigour than stronger copyright. For example, both attention and wealth are highly concentrated in networked information economies driven by free sharing of content, and this is bad for diversity or inclusiveness. Online business models, based on surveillance of users' consumption of free works, are corrosive of autonomy and democracy. Merely removing copyright-based restrictions on the sharing of works is not a panacea for copyright's ills. A qualitative theory such as mine equips us to better understand and calibrate more richly the trade-offs involved in copyright policy decisions, and encourages us to treat copyright as part of a broader, qualitatively-oriented information and cultural policy.

Au coeur de l’existence et de l’oeuvre de Bousquet(18971950) se trouve la blessure qu’il reçut à la guerre de 14-18 et qui le condamna à la paralysie. Cette expérience tragique fut la source d’une oeuvre originale et diverse, dans laquelle les correspondances, et plus particulièrement les correspondances amoureuses, tiennent une place importante. Elles sont l’espace dans lequel se déploie une quête d’identité qui passe par la relation à l’altérité, et plus précisément, par la relation amoureuse. L’écriture est vécue par Bousquet comme une tentative de salut, une lutte contre le mal, une quête du sens et de la vérité à travers le langage. Cette écriture intime sonde les profondeurs intérieures de l’homme et s’élève vers la hauteur spirituelle par l’Amour. La recherche de l’unité et de l’essentiel conduit progressivement à l’expression d’une vision du monde qui est aussi une poétique et un enseignement sur la « vraie vie ». / At the core of Joë Bousquet’s life and work (18971950) lies the wound he received during WWI which was to leave him paralysed. Such a tragic experience brought about a unique though diverse achievement, especially through his love letters. Indeed they provide matter for an identity questwhich means how one relates to others, more particularly when love is involved. For Bousquet writing is tantamount to reaching for salvation, it compares with fighting back evil, it is like a quest for meaning and truth by means of words. That deepseated writing probes the inner parts of the human soul, eventually rising up to spiritual heights by means of love. The search for unity and the essential truth also gradually results in a poetical viewing of the world, as well as a lesson of ‘true life’.

Isaiah Berlin maintains that there are two distinct forms of freedom or liberty: negative and positive. Berlin’s principal claim is that negative liberty does not require that the self be somehow separate from the empirical world (causally aloof, or an originator of causal chains). My principal claim is that to be an agent is to be committed to a separation of self in this sense, thus that the self for its very being requires to possess a species of positive liberty. This conception proceeds in part from Immanuel Kant’s claim that there is a separation between spontaneity and receptivity. Commitment to this assertion allows there to be an understood distinction between the self as a spontaneous self-active agent that makes choices, and the self as a mere reactionary brute that does what it does by biological imperatives. In this thesis, I defend the view that negative liberty is subsumed under positive liberty: you cannot have the former without the latter. I am therefore taking a rationalist stance towards Berlin’s thinking. My methodology is to bring into consideration two perspectives upon the underlying normative principles within the space of reason. The first is of Kant’s understanding of the principle of responsibility and the activity of spontaneity; the second is John McDowell’s understanding of that principle and activity. The key claim of this thesis is that Berlin misunderstands what it is to be a chooser. To be a chooser is to be raised under the idea that one is an efficient cause; human children are brought up being held responsible for their reasons for acting. This principle allows mere animal being to be raised into the space of reason, where we live out a second nature in terms of reason. Using their conclusions I further investigate Berlin’s understanding of conceptual frameworks, taking particular interest in historic ‘universal’ conceptions that shape human lives. He too finds that that we are choosers is necessary for what it is to be human. I take his conclusion, and suggest that if he had had a clear understanding of the space of reason, the historic claim that we have choice would find a more solid footing in the principle of that space, in that we are responsible for our actions. I conclude that the upshot of understanding the ‘I’ as an originating efficient cause is that we treat ourselves as free from a universal determinism that Berlin himself disparages; and that the cost to Berlin is that all choice is necessarily the activity of a higher choosing self. It is part of a Liberal society’s valuing, by their societal commitment to, the ideology of raising our children to understand themselves as choosers, that we have choice at all. This is irrespective of whether that which fetters choice is internal or external to the agent, or of whether having self-conscious itself requires such a cultural emergence of second nature.

本研究採文獻分析法和戰史研究法，並從戰略——目的、手段、方法——之研究途徑切入。 研究重點首先從以色列之海域環境和威脅來源著眼，探討以色列國家安全戰略與防衛戰略構想；由於以色列之兵役制度與軍隊訓練情形，實為支持其遂行防衛戰略，達成其國家安全之重要支柱，故亦予分析。 其次，針對以色列海軍參與之重要戰爭，包括獨立戰爭、六日戰爭（美海軍情報船自由號被以色列海空軍擊沈事件和以色列埃拉特號驅逐艦被埃及飛彈快艇擊沈事件）、十月戰爭（以敘「拉塔基亞海戰」與以埃於紅海戰線之對決）、以及其他零星之重要衝突加以析論。 第三，探討以色列海軍之兵力建設與準則發展狀況，析出以色列海軍建軍發展之三個階段，研究其硬體建設（水面作戰艦艇、潛艦、突擊隊）、海軍任務、海軍作戰準則、反恐作戰準則與行為規範之發展情形。 最後，分析以色列海軍面臨之挑戰、探討其國防資源之分配問題、海軍高科技武器發展以及其於未來之展望。 具體研究成果包含找出以色列海軍影響深遠之戰役——拉塔基亞海戰，瞭解以色列海軍建軍發展之歷程，並且發現以色列海軍邁向新時代之發展趨勢。 研究心得有三點：第一，以—阿海軍戰爭之啟示；第二、以色列海軍發展之啟示；第三，研究以色列海軍之啟示。 / The Study of the Israeli Navy was made use of literature analysis and war history research method. It was written within the approach of the strategy research which of the aims, the means, and the ways. The paper will (1) introduce the sea environment of Israel and sources of the threats, discuss Israel national security and its defense strategic conception, and Israeli conscriptions and its military training; (2) examine the significance and importance of the Israeli Navy war history; (3) give a description of structures of the Navy and its doctrines; and (4) propose the challenge of the Navy, analyze its problem of the defense budget distribution, open its hi-tech weapon systems, and observe its future development. The results of this paper include: (1) excavate the most valuable warfare among the Israeli Navy war history which is the Battle of Latakia; (2) understand the structures of the Navy; and (3) find out the trend of the Navy future development.