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Makt till vilket pris? : En jämförande studie av office-seeking hos partierna inom Allians för SverigeMagnusson, Jonas, Nyberg, Jonas January 2009 (has links)
Den 17 september 2006 röstade det svenska folket för ett maktskifte i riksdagen. Den nya regeringsmakten gick under namnet Allians för Sverige och bestod av partierna Moderaterna, Centerpartiet, Folkpartiet och Kristdemokraterna. För skapandet av denna allians utarbetade partierna en tydlig gemensam politik och ett gemensamt valmanifest. Detta är en undersökning om vad dessa fyra partier har fått offra av sin egen politik till den gemensamma politikens fördel, samt om något eller några partier har fått åsidosätta större del politik än resterande partier. Den beroende variabeln är därmed graden av office-seeking. För undersökningen har partiernas valmanifest 2002 varit utgångspunkten. På denna grund har partiernas politiska meningsskiljaktigheter noterats. Partiernas respektive ståndpunkter har därefter jämförts mot vad den gemensamma politiken från 2006 och framåt avser. För att visa på eventuella vinnare och förlorare avseende partiernas genomslag av den egna politiken har spelteorin Chicken race används. Chicken race, vars namn härstammar från spelet om att vika undan eller riskera kollision, visar hur partierna har agerat i frågor som karaktäriserats av olika åsikter. Resultatet visar att de tre mindre partierna i Allians för Sverige har högre grad av office-seeking än vad det större partiet Moderaterna har.
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Framväxt och utveckling av radikala högerpopulistiska partier i norden : En jämförelse mellan Sverigedemokraterna och Sannfinländarna / Rise and Growth of Radical Right Populist Parties in the Nordic Countries : A Comparison Between the Sweden Democrats and the True FinnsLinnefell, William January 2012 (has links)
Populism has been an integral part of the Finnish political system since the late 1950's. At that time the Agrarian Populist Party, better known as The Rural Party, emerged and thrived for decades until the party financially broke down in the 1990's. Reemerging on the political scene as the True Finns, the party is more radical and more influential than ever, gaining enough support to be the third largest party of the 2011 parliamentary election. Sweden, Finland’s neighbor, in contrast has a history with very little populist presence or radical right populist parties (RRP-parties). However, during the 2010 parliamentary election the Sweden Democrats attained seats in the parliament for the first time in history. In this thesis, these cases, with their different historical backgrounds, are analyzed to explain the rise and growth of RRP-parties. Many political scientists have tried to answer this question before, focusing on system-oriented and contextual factors, but often neglecting factors that incorporate the political actors themselves. What this thesis adds to the previous research is a perspective on the rise and growth of RRP-parties based on the dynamism between system-oriented factors and actor-oriented factors. The theoretical discussion indicates that some system-oriented and contextual factors are significant when explaining the rise and growth of RRP-parties. At the same time, actor oriented factors such as the legacy of the RRP-party and the mainstream party strategies prove to be influential on the electoral strength of the RRP-party. These theoretical approaches are then used and combined in a comparative analysis, which imply two important things. First, the legitimacy of the RRP-party itself is an aspect that does explain the rise and growth of RRP-parties. Second, in the case of Sweden, the system-oriented and contextual factors alone were not able to explain the rise and growth of the Sweden Democrats. Together these findings stress that the dynamic perspective between system-oriented and actor-oriented factors truly is meaningful when trying to explain rise and growth of RRP-parties.
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Etablerade partiers agerande efter populismens intåg i Sverige : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av kommunikationsstrategin hos tre svenska partier / The behaviour of established parties after the entrance of populism in Sweden : - A qualitative content analysis of the communication strategy of three Swedish partiesJohansson, Alvina January 2023 (has links)
Populism as a phenomenon is increasing in Europe. This study is therefore centred on howpopulist parties affect mainstream parties when entering the parliament. Moreover this studyresearches how party behaviour theories such as the median voter theorem and cartel partytheory explains mainstream parties' transition on the political and ideological scale when apopulist party is included in the parliament. This study aims to identify populistic discourse in Swedish parties election manifestos. Additionally, examine if the degree of populisticdiscourse differs from the year 2010 when the populist party entered the parliament, the yearof 2018 and the year of 2022 when the populist party entered an alliance with the government.The methodical approach for this research has been a qualitative content analysis. The categories for populist communication strategy attempts to contribute with an operationalization, a measuring instrument of populism in the empirical material. Moreoverthe categories is based on Jan Jagers and Steffan Walgraves theory surrounding populism as a political communication-style. The eight units of analysis are the election manifestos of the Swedish parties: The christ democratic party, the moderate party and the sweden democrats. The empirical research shows that populism as a communication style appears within the election manifestos and that the degree of populist rhetoric differs within the mainstream parties from when the populist party entered the parliament in 2010 and government alliancein 2022.
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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Integrationspolitikens utmaningar på kommunal nivå : En studie om immigranter i Sjöbo och ÅstorpHolm, Klas January 2018 (has links)
Invandringen till Sverige har ökat de senaste åren och i samband med flyktingkrisen 2015 steg antalet nyanlända dramatiskt. Denna utveckling har orsakat debatt om immigranters rättigheter och krav för integration som staten bör ställa för att utveckla integrationen av immigranter i det svenska samhället. Studier av hur integration fungerar på kommunal nivå har endast gjorts i begränsad omfattning. I och med det faktum att det finns en stark politisk självständighet på kommunal nivå i Sverige, samt att det råder en polarisering mellan politiker är det intressant att studera skillnader i målsättningar och förutsättningar för integration mellan kommuner. Uppsatsen behandlar därför frågan om vilka förutsättningarna är för integration av immigranter. Detta görs genom att studera de två skånska kommunerna Åstorp och Sjöbo som har liknande storlek och geografiskt läge men olika politiska styren. Intervjuer görs med politiker från dessa kommuner och uppsatsen redogör för skillnaderna i integrationspolitiska målsättningar. En kvantitativ analys görs även med hjälp av en enkät som besvarats av immigranter i de två kommunerna. Analysen visar att kommuntillhörighet spelar en viss roll för hur immigranterna upplever mottagandet av deras kultur samt social integration med svenskar. Därutöver visar resultaten att immigranters ursprung, kön, tid i Sverige, uppfattning om religionens betydelse samt upplevda krav på anpassning, förknippas på olika sätt med tillfredställande av deras anspråk för integration, såsom hur de upplever kulturellt mottagande, autonomi, inkludering i olika avseenden samt religiösa rättigheter. En slutsats är att förutsättningarna för integration är starkt förknippade med dessa egenskaper, men att de är relaterade till immigranternas anspråk om rättigheter på olika sätt. Integrationspolitiska åtgärder bör lämpligen ta hänsyn till hur de olika egenskaperna hos immigranterna är relaterade till tillfredställandet av deras anspråk för att därigenom stärka integrationsprocessen.
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