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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 321 to 330 of 330 (0.03 seconds)| 321 |
A internacionalização do terror : o caso argentinoBraga, Leonardo Marmontel January 2012 (has links)
A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.
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A internacionalização do terror : o caso argentinoBraga, Leonardo Marmontel January 2012 (has links)
A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.
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A política externa independente é notícia : o reatamento das relações diplomáticas com a URSS na perspectiva do jornal Correio do Povo (novembro de 1961)Domingos, Charles Sidarta Machado January 2009 (has links)
Esta dissertação de Mestrado em História aborda a Política Externa Independente do governo João Goulart (1961-1964). Fundamentada no nacionalismo, essa política externa se constituía em um instrumento de desenvolvimento econômicosocial para o país, além de procurar uma nova inserção internacional para o Brasil naqueles anos intensos da Guerra Fria. Para obtermos uma maior aproximação com o que significou a Política Externa Independente para a época estudada, optamos tratar de um dos seus atos diplomáticos mais polêmicos: o reatamento das relações diplomáticas do Brasil com a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, realizado em 23 de novembro de 1961. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte privilegiada de nossa pesquisa o jornal Correio do Povo, de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. A escolha por esse jornal se deu por dois motivos, indissociáveis: sua auto-proclamada imparcialidade e sua tradição. Desse modo, através das notícias e opiniões veiculadas no Correio do Povo, procuramos perceber como se posicionavam os setores políticos em razão do restabelecimento de relações diplomáticas com a URSS, bem como qual a tendência geral que orientava o periódico em questão na época. / This is the thesis of masters degree in history that approaches Política Externa Independente of João Goularts government (1961-1964). Supported by the nationalism, this external politics constituted in an instrument for social and economical development of the country, it was also looking for a new insertion of Brazil internationally in those intense cold war years. To obtain closer proximity to what meant the Política Externa Independente to the period studied, we chose to deal with one of the most polemic diplomatic act: the resumption to diplomatic relations of Brazil with Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, held on 23 November 1961. For that purpose, we elected as a privileged source of our research the newspaper Correio do Povo , from Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. The choice for this journal was for two inseparable reasons: their self-proclaimed impartiality and its tradition. That way, through the news and opinions expressed in Correio do Povo, we try to understand how the political sectors took sides, in reason of the restoration of diplomatic relations with the URSS, as well as which was the general trend that guided the newspaper the time.
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Garbage Collected CRDTs on the Web : Studying the Memory Efficiency of CRDTs in a Web ContextRehn, Michael January 2020 (has links)
In today's connected society, where it is common to have several connected devices per capita, it is more important than ever that the data you need is omnipresent, i.e. its available when you need it, no matter where you are. We identify one key technology and platform that could be the future—peer-to-peer communication and the Web. Unfortunately, guaranteeing consistency and availability between users in a peer-to-peer network, where network partitions are bound to happen, can be a challenging problem to solve. To solve these problems, we turned to a promising category of data types called CRDTs—Conflict Free Replicated Data Types. By following the scientific tradition of reproduction, we build upon previous research of a CRDT framework, and adjust it work in a peer-to-peer Web environment, i.e. it runs on a Web browser. CRDTs makes use of meta-data to ensure consistency, and it is imperative to remove this meta-data once it no longer has any use—if not, memory usage grows unboundedly making the CRDT impractical for real-world use. There are different garbage collection techniques that can be applied to remove this meta-data. To investigate whether the CRDT framework and the different garbage collection techniques are suitable for the Web, we try to reproduce previous findings by running our implementation through a series of benchmarks. We test whether our implementation works correctly on the Web, as well as comparing the memory efficiency between different garbage collection techniques. In doing this, we also proved the correctness of one of these techniques. The results from our experiments showed that the CRDT framework was well-adjusted to the Web environment and worked correctly. However, while we could observe similar behaviour between different garbage collection techniques as previous research, we achieved lower relative memory savings than expected. An additional insight was that for long-running systems that often reset its shared state, it might be more efficient to not apply any garbage collection technique at all. There is still much work to be done to allow for omnipresent data on the Web, but we believe that this research contains two main takeaways. The first is that the general CRDT framework is well-suited for the Web and that it in practice might be more efficient to choose different garbage collection techniques, depending on your use-case. The second take-away is that by reproducing previous research, we can still advance the current state of the field and generate novel knowledge—indeed, by combining previous ideas in a novel environment, we are now one step closer to a future with omnipresent data. / I dagens samhälle är vi mer uppkopplade än någonsin. Tack vare det faktum att vi nu ofta har fler än en uppkopplad enhet per person, så är det viktigare än någonsin att ens data är tillgänglig på alla ens enheter–oavsett vart en befinner sig. Två tekniker som kan möjliggöra denna ``allnärvaro'' av data är Webben, alltså kod som körs på en Webbläsare, tillsammans med peer-to-peer-kommunikation; men att säkerställa att distribuerad data både är tillgänglig och likadan för alla enheter är svårt, speciellt när enhetens internetanslutning kan brytas när som helst. Conflict-free replicated data-types (CRDT:er) är en lovande klass av datatyper som löser just dessa typer av problem i distribuerade system; genom att använda sig av meta-data, så kan CRDT:er fortsätta fungera trots att internetanslutningen brutits. Dessutom är de garanterade att konvergera till samma sluttillstånd när anslutningen upprättas igen. Däremot lider CRDT:er av ett speciellt problem–denna meta-data tar upp mycket minne trots att den inte har någon användning efter en stund. För att göra datatypen mer minneseffektiv så kan meta-datan rensas bort i en process som kallas för skräpsamling. Vår idé var därför att reproducera tidigare forskning om ett ramverk för CRDT:er och försöka anpassa denna till att fungera på Webben. Vi reproducerar dessutom olika metoder för skräpsamling för att undersöka om de, för det första fungerar på Webben, och för det andra är lika effektiv i denna nya miljö som den tidigare forskningen pekar på. Resultaten från våra experiment visade att CRDT-ramverket och dess olika skräpsamlingsmetoder kunde anpassas till att fungera på Webben. Däremot så noterade vi något högre relativ minnesanvändning än vad vi har förväntat oss, trots att beteendet i stort var detsamma som den tidigare forskningen. En ytterligare upptäckt vad att i vissa specifika fall så kan det vara mer effektivt att inte applicera någon skräpsamling alls. Trots att det är mycket arbete kvar för att använder CRDT:er peer-to-peer på Webben för att möjliggöra ``allnärvarande'' data, så innehåller denna uppsats två huvudsakliga punkter. För det första så fungerar det att anpassa CRDT-ramverket och dess olika skräpsamlingsmetoder till Webben, men ibland är det faktiskt bättre att inte applicera någon skräpsamling alls. För det andra så visas vikten av att reproducera tidigare forskning–inte bara visar uppsatsen att tidigare CRDT-forskning kan appliceras i andra miljöer, dessutom kan ny kunskap hämtas ur en sådan reproducering.
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Alla vägar leder till Paris : Julia Beck och Maj Brings konstnärliga liv och bemötandet av den kvinnliga konsten under deras yrkesverksamma år. / All roads lead to Paris : Julia Beck and Maj Brings artistic life and how the female art was perceived during their careersKylli, Johanna January 2020 (has links)
This thesis is about two Swedish artists named Julia Beck (1852–1935) and Maj Bring (1880–1971). The idea was to see what kind of differences there were between these two Swedish female artists. They both studied at the Swedish Art academy and both had very successful careers, though they belong to different generations of artist. The first question to be answered, was is if you could see any similarities or differences in their education and career. The other question in this thesis was how the female art was perceived during the different art exhibitions which Julia Beck or Maj Bring participated in. Could you see if the art were perceived and judged differently due to, they being female artist? And could you see if there were any kind of resistance towards them as artists or towards their art and if so, how did it express itself? To answer that question the analysis is based on art exhibit reviews with a theory based on a gender perspective and of Linda Nochlins essay Why have there been no great women artists? This to help with looking after what kind of social barriers or resistance is visible in these art critics reviews. The results of the biographical comparison showed many similarities and some differences. Such as them both studying in Paris after their education in the Swedish Art academy and both frequently traveled back and forth to stay in France for as long as possible. Eventually Julia Beck moved to France and stayed there until her death. While Maj Bring lived her entire life in Sweden and started an art school in Stockholm and paused her artist career for a while. Meanwhile Julia Beck dedicated her entire life to her artistic career. In the results of the analysis, you could clearly see several kinds of resistance to both the female art and the female artists. They were very much treated differently than their male colleagues. For example, in Paris there were specific places where the female artists showed their art. The critique reviews often explained the female art with female qualities and said that female artist had specific characteristics that made them more qualified in specific areas that was thought women belonged too.
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En mensvänligare arbetsplats : En studie om menstruation i arbetslivet / A more menstrual-friendly workplace : A study on menstruation in working lifeDahlberg, Åsa, Karlsson, Olivia January 2023 (has links)
Till stor del har historien om menstruation skapat strukturer och normer i samhället som bidragit till stigmatisering kring kvinnors menstruation. Kvinnor behöver hantera sin menstruation i arbetslivet, vilket kan orsaka påfrestningar för arbetsmiljön. Åtgärder som arbetsgivaren delvis kan införa för att främja kvinnors arbetsmiljö är en mensvänlig arbetsplats, som underlättar menshanteringen. En del av en mensvänlig arbetsplats är implementering av fria mensskydd. Om arbetsgivare tar ställning till att erbjuda fria mensskydd på arbetsplatserna kan uppfattningen delvis resultera i att implementeringen anses vara en överdriven rättighet som kvinnor drar fördel av på grund av biologiska skillnader. Samtidigt anses åtgärden som en självklar rättighet för att underlätta menshanteringen på arbetsplatsen. Rättigheterna skulle vidare kunna vara ändamål för bildandet av ett framtida ramverk inom lagstiftningen. Studien har undersökt arbetsgivarens motiv till skapandet av en mensvänligare arbetsplats, utifrån en institutionell teori. Vidare har studien analyserat skapandet baserat på feministisk teori. Åtta kvalitativa intervjustudier genomfördes, intervjuerna resulterade i material som sedan analyserades för att vidare kopplas samman med den teoretiska referensramen, vilket har omfattats av institutionell-, och feministisk teori samt ett arbetsmiljöperspektiv. Reaktionerna från arbetsgivarna kring studiens frågeställning: Vilka motiv ligger till grund för arbetsgivarens införande av en mensvänlig arbetsplats?, har varit tudelade men majoriteten visade ett motiv utifrån den institutionella teorin. / Largely, the history of menstruation has created structures and norms in society that have contributed to stigma around women's menstruation. Women need to manage their menstruation in working life, which can cause strain on the work environment. Measures that the employer can partly introduce to promote women's work environment is a menstrual-friendly workplace, which facilitates menstrual management. Part of a period-friendly workplace is the implementation of free menstrual protection. If employers decide to offer free menstrual protection in the workplace, the perception may partly result in the implementation being considered an exaggerated right that women take advantage of due to biological differences. At the same time, the measure is considered a self-evident right to facilitate menstrual management in the workplace. The rights could also serve as a purpose for the formation of a future framework within the legislation. The study has investigated the employer's motives for creating a more menstrual-friendly workplace, based on an institutional theory. Furthermore, the study has analyzed the creation based on feminist theory. Eight qualitative interview studies were conducted, the interviews resulted in material that was then analyzed to be further connected with the theoretical frame of reference, which has been covered by institutional and feminist theory as well as a work environment perspective. The reactions from the employers regarding the study's question: What motives are the basis for the employer's introduction of a menstrual-friendly workplace?, have been divided, but the majority showed a motive based on the institutional theory.
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Deepfakes: ett upphovsrättsligt problem : En undersökning av det upphovsrättsliga skyddet och parodiundantagets samspel med AI-assisterade skapandeprocesser / Deepfakes: A Copyright Issue : An Inquiry of the Copyright Protection and Parody Exception's Interplay with AI-assisted Creative ProcessesAtala Labbé, Daniel Atala January 2022 (has links)
In the age of digitalizarion several new ways of creating immaterial property have sprung up due to the resurgence of artificial intelligence (AI). This has paved the way for different kinds of tech including the assistance of AI in a more normalized way. A prominent variation of this tech is called "deepfake". Deepfakes are a technology that essentially places your face, likeness, mannerisms, and voice onto new situations that the creator then steers to make the deepfake do or say things that the person whose deepfake is based on hasn't done or said. This technology has been used in a myriad of ways, all from humourous content to extorsion and revenge porn. The aim of this master thesis is to analyse how immaterial law protection is achieved through current Swedish immaterial law principles and how these fit within the context of heavily based AI-tech such as deepfakes. This is done through a dogmatic lens, meaning that a systematization and mapping of both Swedish and EU-based laws and praxis are done as well as discussing the current thoughts on AI-assistance throughout the creative process. Another subject that is touched upon is the parody exception in immaterial law and the concept of adaptation and how these work with and apply to AI-based creations. Part of the problems that we face right now is that we have no existing legal parameters to solve the problem of larger AI-involvement in creative processes, this is certainly going to change how we view copyright law today. When comparing and using EU as well as Swedish praxis to analyze the AI-problem a common denominator is that all copyright law and praxis is based around the presumption that there needs to be a human involved in the majority of the creative process. AI already exists as a part of many creative processes today without any questions asked, however when the AI-part is more significant in the process the question becomes complicated when paired with traditional copyright law perspectives. However, some discussions have been going on in both Swedish and EU legal spheres, mostly in the EU who are going to legislate more in the field of AI. In Sweden there have been no legislative processes when it comes to AI in copyright law however there have been some governmental organisations and essays that have shed a light on the matter. I conclude this master thesis by writing about the findings of each question as has been mentioned above, namely that AI becomes a significant factor in deciding if a deepfake achieves copyright protection or not and the same can be said about parodies. After this I make a concluding analysis of the urgency of a need for laws that tackle AI in the area of immaterial laws listing other areas that might need it more than immaterial laws as has been explored throughout this thesis as well and that Sweden needs to take part in every discussion about this to form a sustainable legal framework for AIs in the context of immaterial laws. This will open up for a clear framework when assessing different technologies that use AI like deepfakes as well.
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Hur blir du en framgångsrik tiggare i Sverige? : en undersökning av tiggandets och givandets bilder 2011 till 2016 / How do you become a successful beggar in Sweden? : an inquiry into the images of begging and giving 2011 to 2016Parsberg, Cecilia January 2016 (has links)
Mitt första möte med en tiggande föranledde mig att under fem år undersöka den nya situationen för tiggeriet och giveriet i Sverige. Förutsättningen är att vardagliga handlingar och reaktioner gentemot en annan människa kan synliggöras estetiskt med en etisk klangbotten. Min undersökning utspelar sig i första hand i gaturummet och i medierna. Det är hela tiden bilderna som är utgångspunkten för resonemangen och de gestaltande verken. Bilder som både separerar och länkar samman kroppar. Vilka bilder är i spel i tiggeriets och giveriets sociala koreografi? Hur kan bilder i detta sammanhang aktiveras på nya sätt? Hur kan nya genereras? Tiggandet är en uppmaning till social interaktion, och vare sig givaren socialt interagerar eller inte med den tiggande människan på gatan så involveras givaren i det europeiska samfundets asymmetriska värdesystem. I min första gestaltning anlitas en professionell marknadsundersökare för att ta reda på hur en tiggare i Sverige skulle kunna göra för att bli framgångsrik. Det blir en film som jag sedan visar mittemot en film där tiggande pratar om hur givare ger. Ur detta verk följer så en rad gestaltningar och en interdisciplinär teoretisk diskussion med bland andra Judith Butler, Sara Ahmed och Hannah Arendt, samt med en rad konstnärers arbeten, kring hur bilder – och kroppsliga handlingar – är kopplade till samhällsbilden och samhällskroppen? Körernas uppställning i gestaltningen Tiggandets kör och Givandets kör anger ett utrymme för social interaktion och demonstrerar därmed en annan ordning som kräver andra insatser, i språk, rörelse och attityd gentemot varandra. Det är en social koreografi: när körerna tränade och sjöng tillsammans uppstod en politisk form. Min förhoppning är att estetiskt synliggöra ett politiskt handlingsutrymme mellan tiggandet och givandet som kan utnyttjas för fortsatta etiska förhandlingar, och nya gestaltningar. / My first encounter with a begging person led me to spend five years investigating the new situation regarding begging and giving in Sweden. The premise is that every-day actions and reactions to another person can be made visible through aesthetics with ethical underpinnings. My investigation takes place mainly in the urban landscape and in the media. The images always constitute the point of departure for the reasoning and for the staged works. Images that separate as well as connect bodies. Which images are at play in the social choreography of begging and giving? In this context, how can images be activated in new ways? How can new images be generated? Begging is a call to social interaction, and regardless of whether the giver interacts socially with the begging person on the street, the giver is implicated in the asymmetrical value systems of the European Union. In my first staged work I hire a professional market researcher to find out how a beggar in Sweden should behave to be successful. This becomes a film that I then show opposite another film in which begging people talk about how givers give. This is followed by a number of staged works and an interdisciplinary theoretical discussion involving, among others, Judith Butler, Sara Ahmed, and Hannah Arendt, as well as a number of artistic works concerning how images – and bodily actions – are linked to the social image and the body politics. The arrangement of the choirs in the staged work The Chorus of Begging and The Chorus of Giving, indicates a space for social interaction and thus demonstrates a different order that demands different actions in terms of language, movement, and attitude toward each other. It’s a social choreography: when the choirs rehearsed and sung together a political form emerged. My hope is to make visible a space for action between the begging and the giving that can be used for continued ethical negotiations and new staged works. / <p>Föreliggande doktorsarbete har genomförts och handletts i forskarutbildningen i Fri konst vid Konsthögskolan, Umeå universitet. Doktorsarbetet läggs fram vid Lunds universitet inom ramen för samverkansavtalet mellan Konstnärliga fakulteten vid Lunds universitet och Konsthögskolan Umeå angående utbildning på forskarnivå i ämnet Fri konst inom ramen för Konstnärliga forskarskolan.</p><p>This dissertation has been carried out and supervised within the graduate programme in Fine Arts at Umeå Academy of Fine Arts, Umeå University. The dissertation is presented at Lund University in the framework of the cooperation agreement between the Malmö Faculty of Fine and Performing Arts, Lund University, and Umeå Academy of Fine Arts regarding doctoral education in the subject Fine Arts in the context of Konstnärliga forskarskolan.</p><p>Avhandlingen är även utgiven i serien: Malmö Faculty of Fine and Performing Arts, Lund University: Doctoral Studies and Research in Fine and Performing Arts, 14. ISSN: 1653-8617</p>
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Återkallelse av testamente : Särskilt om bedömningen av om testator har avsett att återkalla sitt testamente / On the Revocation of Wills : Especially regarding the assessment of whether the testator has intended to revoke his willSteen, Johan January 2023 (has links)
In most European legal systems, drafting a will is subject to formal requirements. In the same way, most European legal systems prescribe formal requirements for the revocation of a will. However, Swedish law is unique in this respect as it does not prescribe formal requirements for the revocation of a will. For the revocation of a will, Swedish law only requires that the testator has unequivocally announced that the disposition no longer expresses his ultimate will. This is stated in the 5th Section of the 10th Chapter of the Swedish Inheritance Code. Under Swedish law, it is therefore only a question of proof whether the testator has revoked his will. However, it may be difficult to assess whether the testator has intended to revoke his will when the testator is alleged to have revoked his will informally. Therefore, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine how the assessment of whether the testator has intended to revoke his will is carried out under current Swedish law. To achieve the purpose of this thesis, a traditional legal dogmatic method is used. This means that the material used is limited to the traditional Swedish sources of law. These are legislation, preparatory works, case law and Swedish legal doctrine. Since Swedish law does not prescribe any formal requirements for revoking a will, a will can be revoked in an unlimited number of ways. It has therefore been necessary to limit the scope of this thesis to the most common ways of revoking a will. For this reason, this thesis only covers the revocation of a will by executing a new will, by physical destruction of a will, by strikeouts and inscriptions on the will, by oral statements made by the testator and by the revocation of a previously revoked will. Consequently, other ways of revoking a will are not closer analysed. The analysis shows that no general conclusions can be drawn on how to assess whether the testator intended to revoke his will. Instead, the assessment depends on the way in which the testator is alleged to have revoked his will. However, the analysis also shows that some more specific conclusions can be drawn. It can be concluded from Swedish case-law that a high standard of proof is required for a revocation allegedly made by an informal measure. However, this does not apply if the will has been destructed. In such cases, there is instead a presumption that the will has been destructed by the testator with the purpose of revoking the will. Consequently, the burden of proof is reversed when the will has been destructed. The analysis also shows that it often can be uncertain whether the testator has intended to revoke his will by an informal measure. This is because there may be no reliable evidence of the testator’s intention in such cases. Therefore, the con-clusion is that a testator who wishes to revoke his will should do so by executing a new will which expressly states that the will is revoked. By doing so, the testator significantly reduces the risk of future disputes concerning the validity of the will.
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Surrogatmodern och den mänskliga värdigheten : En diskursanalys av den statliga utredningen om surrogatmoderskap, ur ett kritiskt postkolonialt feministiskt perspektivZanzi Ferrando, Diana January 2019 (has links)
Uppsatsen undersöker hur ”SOU 2016:11 Olika vägar till föräldraskap” formulerar problemet med surrogatmoderskap, vilka subjektspositioner som kan urskiljas i utredningen och analyserar den ut ett kritiskt postkolonialt feministiskt perspektiv. Utredningen utgår ifrån mänsklig värdighet, autonomi och barnets bästa vilket uppsatsen belyser får konsekvenser för hur problemet med surrogatarrangemang porträtteras olika beroende på om surrogatmodern och barnet är från det globala syd eller det globala nord. Utgångspunkterna är centrala när surrogatmodern och barnet från det globala nord lyfts men får inte samma roll gällande surrogatmodern och det barn hon föder. Vidare undersöks hur subjektspositioner formuleras utifrån emotionell/icke-emotionell, sårbar/icke-sårbar, skyddsvärd/icke-skyddsvärd och blottlägger hur den svenska surrogatmodern och det inrikesfödda barnet konstrueras som emotionella, sårbara och skyddsvärda vilket skiljer sig från hur den utländska surrogatmodern och det utrikesfödda barnet konstrueras. Dessa omges att tystnad vilket får konsekvenser för hur de porträtteras och för vilka åtgärder som föreslås. Uppsatsen bidrar till en utveckling av tidigare forskning med ett tillägg av nyckelordet skyddsvärd för att undersöka konstrueringen av surrogatmödrar. Uppsatsen visar att begreppet är relevant genom att materialet visat på delvis konstuering av emotionell och sårbar men inte skyddsvärd och att detta påverkat resultat och åtgärder. Vidare stärker uppsatsen tidigare forskning som menar att utgångspunkten mänsklig värdighet verkar för en avhumanisering av surrogatmödrar från det globala syd samt att synen på biologi varierar beroende på var ett barn föds. Uppsatsen bygger vidare på tidigare forskning som menar att uttryckt rationalitet och brist på emotion resulterar i en avhumanisering, genom att blottlägga hur det kan räcka med att subjektspositionerna möts av tysthet för att uppnå samma resultat. Detta arbete belyser hur olika subjektspositioner framställs olika i den statliga utredningen och hur koloniala idéer hänger kvar och påverkar underlag till svensk lagstiftning, samt blottlägger vilka konkreta konsekvenser detta kan få för lagförslag och för surrogatmödrar i det globala syd samt de barn de föder.
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